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STUDIES IN HISTORY; 

•**“"'** ~*- ••• Mfe • £ S" 

CONTAINING THE 

HISTORY OF ROME, 


FROM ITS EARLIEST RECORDS TO THE DEATH OF CONSTANTINE; 
^ IN A 

SERIES OF ESSAYS, 

* 

ACCOMPANIED WITH 


REFLECTIONS, 

REFERENCES TO ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES, AND 
HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 

y" . *' '*5 

—-■-— 

BY THOMAS MOIIELL. 


Opus agrcdior opimuin casibus, atrox prceliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiain pace 
isevum ; nun tamen adeo virtutum sterile, at non et bona exempla prodiderit. 

Tacit, Hist » 


^cconlr IHlrttiou, 


EMBELLISHED WITH A MAP. 


LONDON: 


PRINTED FOR JAMES RLACK AND SON, 

Tavistock Street, Covent Garden . 









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MfxfcnrLane, Covent-Garden, London . 


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I 

CON T E N T S-. 

1 ■g-1gifr>‘ - 

r- r 

book I ; 

.IE HISTORY OF ROME FROM THE BUILDING OF THE CITY 
TO ITS CAPTURE BY THE GAULS. 

f . ESSAY PAGE 

1. Introductory. The Origin of the Romans—the birth 

of Romulus—the building of Rome. 1 

2. On the Institutions and Government of Romulus • • • • 9 

3. On the reigns of Numa Pompilius, Tull us Hostilius, and 

Ancus Martius . 18 

4. On the Government of the Tarquins. 26 

5. The Death of Lueretia. 34 

6 . On Brutus and Publicola. 42 

7. On the Appointment of a Dictator and Tribunes of the 

People . 53 

8. On Caius Marcius Coriolanus. 62 

* . 1 2 3 4 l 

9. The Agrarian Law—T. Quintius Cincinnatus—the 

Decemvirate . 71 

10. On the Abolition of the Decemvirate . 80 

11. On the Creation of Military Tribunes and Censors— 

Camillas—Rome taken and burnt . 89 

12. A general View of the Religion, Philosophy, and 

Literature of the Ancient Romans. 98 

BOOK JL 

FROM THE REBUILDING OF THE CITY TO THE DEATH 

OF JULIUS CiESAR. 

* * 

1. Victories of Camillus—Condemnation of Manlius— 

/ 

First Plebeian Consul—Praetors and Curule /Ediles 
—Death of Camillus . JC6 

2. On the Samnite War. 112 

3. The Tarentinc War—Pyrrhus, King of Epirus . 119 

4. The First Punic War • • • y.* • • • 126 

•5„ The Second Punic War, to the Battle of Canine* * * • • • 134 


















iv 


CONTENTS. 


ESSAY PACE 

6. End of the War—Hannibal and Scipio... 142 

* 


7. On the Macedonian Wars—Death of Scipio Africanus 

—Third Punic War—Destruction of Carthage* • • • 150 


8. On the Character and Death of the Gracchi. 159 

9. On Marius and Sylla. 168 

10. On the First Triumvirate • • *.*.. 179 

11. On the civil War between Pompey and Caesar . 188 

12. The Character and Death of Cato of Utica. 197 


13. On the Administration and Death of Julius Caesar • • • • 205 

14. On the literary and public Character of Cicero .215 

15. On the Literature of the Homans during the Common** 

- wealth ...225 


BOOK III. 

FROM THE DEATH OF JULIUS CA1SAR TO THE REIGN OF 

CONSTANTINE. 


1. The Second Triumvirate—Death of Brutus and Cassius 

•—Antony and Cleopatra—Augustus, first Emperor 
of Rome...*.233 

2. On the Character and Reign of Augustus • • • • • •. 242 

3. On Tiberius and Caligula • • • -.'•.252 

4. On Claudius and Nero. 263 

5. On Galba, Otho, Vitelli'us, and Vespasian —Jerusalem 

taken and destroyed by Titus.273 

C. On the Reigns of Titus and Domitian.285 

7. On Nerva, Trajan, and Adrian . 294 

8. On the Government of the Antonines .306 

• . 

9. On the Roman Emperors from Coni modus to Diocletian 317 

10. On the Reigns of Diocletian and Constantine.330 

11. On the principal Writers of the Augustan and following 

Ages.34t 

12. On the Advocates and Opponents of Christianity during 

the three first Centuries. 353 


HISTORICAL QUESTIONS 


365 























STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME . 


BOOK I. 


FROM THE BUILDING OF THE CITY, TO ITS CAPTURE BY 

THE GAULS. 


ESSAY L 

Introductory. The origin of the Romans—the birth of 
Romulus—the building of Rome. 

from A. C. 1182—7 53. 

Amongst the numerous objects of human research, few 
are more interesting, and perhaps none more difficult of 
access, than those which relate to the origin of nations. 
The desire of tracing stupendous effects to their minutest 
causes is almost universal, but its accomplishment is by 
no means easy, even to those who pursue it with the most 
diligent investigation. The traveller, who would dis¬ 
cover the source of an impetuous torrent, and mark the 
precise spot, where its crystal spring first issues from the 
rock, must frequently penetrate almost inaccessible wilds, 
and explore the labyrinths of many a subterraneous 
cavern, through which it flows; and not unfrequently 
after all, he finds that his labours terminate in disappoint¬ 
ment and uncertainty. It is thus that the moral and po¬ 
litical inquirer, who would investigate the earliest traces 
of ancient empires, must explore the dark mazes of fabu¬ 
lous tradition* and traverse the wildest regions of conjec¬ 
ture, ere he can hope to attain the object of his pursuit; 

B 








2 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

nor is it improbable, that all his researches will in like 
manner terminate in “ vanity and vexation of spirit.” 

- To no people, either in ancient or modern times, will 
these remarks apply more justly than to the Romans, 
whose origin was as obscure, as their future destinies were 
great. All who are conversant with the annals of Rome, 
during the vigour of her republican, or the more splendid 
period of her imperial government, must have been soli¬ 
citous to discover, if it were possible, the tcnderest germ of 
that political eminence which she acquired amongst the 
nations, and which continued to flourish through so many 
ages. Whilst contemplating the achievements of her 
most renowned heroes, the inquiry must have frequently 
presented itself to the reflecting mind, “ who were these 
hardy sons of fame—these mighty conquerors of the 
world—whence did they spring—and what was their pri¬ 
mitive condition ?” But to such an inquiry, all the authen¬ 
tic records of antiquity, will furnish no satisfactory reply. 
Even Livy himself, the most faithful and diligent of the 
historians of Rome, (to whose labours we are indebted 
for many of the facts which will be detailed in the fol¬ 
lowing essays,) abandoned the attempt as utterly imprac¬ 
ticable, after the lapse of so many ages of intellectual 
darkness, and amidst such a mass of fabulous and contra¬ 
dictory statements. He seems to have considered the 
wague traditions, which were commonly believed in liis 
day, rather as poetical fictions, than as monuments of 
authentic historj'. Instead therefore of attempting to 
disentangle the web of fancy, or to define with accuracy 
the boundaries of truth and fable, all that is intended at 
present, is, to relate as briefly as possible those circum¬ 
stances relative to the origin oft he Romans, which appear 
most probable, without either affirming or denying their 
authenticity. 

Previously to the building of Rome, Italy contained 
a great number of independent states, and rudely fortified 
cities, of which little more than the names have been pre¬ 
served, and whose geographical situation it is now difficult 
to define. Some of these petty kingdoms were inhabited 
by native tribes, who had probably existed for many ages 
in that country, and were therefore called Aborigines .— 


ESSAY I. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


3 


Others were established by colonists from Gaul or Greece, 
who had acquired at different periods a precarious settle¬ 
ment, by conquest or treaty. None however of these 
primitive inhabitants of Italy deserve particular notice, 
but the Etruscans , and the Latins; the former on account 
of their early civilization, and the latter, as having given 
birth to the founder, and first king of Rome. 

The Etruscans, (or as they were sometimes called 
the Tyrrhenians ,) flourished in Etruria, a province of 
ancient Italy, long before Rome existed. That they were 
of Phoenician extraction is rendered probable by many 
circumstances connected with their history, but especially 
by the similarity of their language, manners, literature, 
and superstitious rites. From the scattered records of this 
people, and the specimens of their progress in useful arts, 
which are still preserved in the cabinets of the curious, it 
may be inferred, that they were a well-disciplined and 
highly-cultivated nation, when the surrounding tribes 
were immersed in barbarism. Their commerce was ex¬ 
tensive, and their skill in agriculture, navigation, and 
military tactics most remarkable, considering the period 
in which they flourished. To them, the first inhabitants 
of Rome were principally indebted for the education of 
their youth, the (dements of science, and many of their 
civil, political, and religious institutions. 

The first kings of Latium of whom tradition speaks, 
were, Picus, Eaunus, and Latinus. During the reign of 
t he second of these princes, and about 70 years before the 
destruction of Troy, Evander is supposed to have con¬ 
ducted a colony of Arcadians from Greece to Latium. 
By the permission of Eaunus, lie built a city upon an 
uncultivated hill on the banks of the Tiber, which he 
called Pallantium , after the name of the capital of 
Arcadia. He is said to have introduced amongst his 
Latin subjects many civil and religious rites, similar to 
those which prevailed in Greece. The following reign 
was rendered memorable by the arrival of /Eneas and 
his companions, after having escaped from the calamities 
of the Trojan war, and the perils of a tedious voyage.* 


*• Hist, of Greece. Hook I. Essay 4. 



4 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


When these illustrious strangers landed on the shores of 
Latium, the reigning prince was engaged in a war with 
the Rutuli, a small, but martial tribe, whose territories 
bordered on his own. On being informed that an hostile 
band had effected a landing on his coast, he hastened to 
meet them, expecting to find a rude and undisciplined 
banditti who would retire at the approach of his army. 
But on the contrary, he found to his surprise, a well- 
appointed band of veteran warriors, drawn up in order 
of battle, fully prepared for defence, and at the same time 
holding forth the olive branch of peace. Latinus, unwil¬ 
ling to risk an engagement with these formidable stran¬ 
gers, sounded a parley; and, having learnt the name, 
country, and misfortunes of the Trojan adventurers, 
offered them his friendship, and ratified the alliance, by 
giving his daughter Lavinia in marriage to their chief. 

The nuptials of iEneas and Lavinia rekindled the 
flame of war in Latium. Turnus, the queen’s nephew, 
who had made pretensions to the daughter of Latinus, 
enraged at the loss of his anticipated prize, joined the 
Rutuli, and incited them to renew the contest. This 
warfare terminated in the subjugation of the Rutuli, 
the slaughter of Latinus and Turnus, and the quiet acces¬ 
sion of ^Eneas to the vacant throne of Latium. The 
latter days of the Trojan prince were occupied with build¬ 
ing the city of Lavinium, erecting temples and altars, 
and instituting religious festivals in honour of the gods 
of Greece, as well as of those who were previously wor¬ 
shipped by the Etruscans and Latins. For this reason 
. lie was honoured by his superstitious descendants with the 
appellation of “ the pious AEneas.” After a reign of four 
years, he was killed in a battle with Mezentius, king of 
Etruria, and was succeeded first by Ascanius or lulus, 
(who founded the city of Alba Longa, which afterwards 
became the seat of government,) and then by AEneas 
Silvius, his younger son by Lavinia. Thirteen kings of 
his family reigned successively in Alba, of whom nothing 
memorable is recorded. * 

The last of this, dynasty was Numitor, who was 
scarcely seated on the throne of hisTather Procas, when 
Amulius, his younger brother, formed a conspiracy 


ESSAY I 


THE HISTORY OF ROME 


against him, wrested from him tlie crown and sceptre, 
murdered his only son, and compelled his daughter Rhea 
Silvia to take the vestal vow, by which she devoted her¬ 
self to perpetual virginity. Having thus, as he supposed* 
removed every obstacle to his ambition, and opened to 
himself and his family an unobstructed passage to the 
Alban throne, he llattered himself that a new and per¬ 
manent dynasty was established, which should bear his 
name, and continue in the line of his descendants. But 
these acts of injustice ultimately recoiled upon himself. 
J!hca Silvia, the onlv surviving child of his dethroned 
brother, having been violated by some unknown warrior, 
whom the ancients dignified with the name of Mars, pro¬ 
duced two sons at a birth, the elder of whom was named 
Hornulus, and the younger Remus. These infants were 
no sooner born, than by an express order of the inhuman 
tyrant, they were exposed on the banks of the Tiber; but, 
before the tide bad risen suificiently to wash away the 
slender bark in which they were deposited, they were dis¬ 
covered by Faustuius, the king’s shepherd, and brought 
up by his wife Acca Laurentia as her own offspring. 
This woman is supposed on account of her disorderly 
life to have been commonly called Lupa> or a she-wolf; 
which circumstance probably gave rise to the absurd 
fable of Romulus and Remus having been nourished by a 
wolf. 

Unacquainted for many years with the secret of their 
birth, these foundlings grew up in rustic ignorance 
amongst the shepherds and herdsmen of the valley ; dis¬ 
tinguished alone from their associates by the superior dig¬ 
nity of their mein, and a spirit of enterprise far beyond 
their years. The manners of the age and country in 
which they lived, were calculated to form and cherish 
this adventurous character. Accustomed to defend their 
flocks from beasts of prey, and their lowly habitations 
from midnight depredators, they were early habituated to 
hardships and dangers, which gradually prepared them 
for higher achievements. At length those adopted sons 
of Faustuius acquired such reputation and influence 
amongst the companions of their yonth, as to collect an 
adventurous band, by whose ai< ey were enabled to 



6 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 1. 


enter the palace of Amulius, put the usurper to the sword, 
and reinstate their grandfather in those regal honours, of 
which he had long been unjustly deprived. Nor were 
they contented with having restored to Alba its rightful 
sovereign; their restless ambition excited them to new 
projects. They proposed lo plant a colony, and build a 
city on one of those hills, amongst which they had for¬ 
merly fed their Hocks. They invited the companions of 
their youth, and others from Alba and Lavinium, who 
were favourable to the enterprise, to assist them in its ex¬ 
ecution. They fixed upon the Palatine hill, and pro¬ 
ceeded to consecrate the ground on which their projected 
city was to be built, by the celebration of auguries and 
other religious observances, customary on similar occa¬ 
sions. But scarcely had the work commenced, when a 
quarrel arose between the twin-brothers, which ended in 
the murder of Remus by the hand of Romulus. No 
longer confronted in his schemes, the survivor applied 
himself with redoubled vigour to the prosecution of his 
design, till the city was built; if indeed a contemptible 
village can be so denominated, which contained, accord¬ 
ing to ancient tradition, about two thousand straw-roofed 
huts, defended with a wall of clay, and occupied by a 
rude and lawless rabble. Yet such in her infancy was 
proud imperial Rome, the conqueror of nations, the sub- 
verter of ancient and flourishing empires, the mistress of 
the world, so celebrated in future ages, for the wisdom of 
her councils, the splendour of her triumphs, and the ex¬ 
tent of her dominions ; this event is generally supposed to 
have taken place towards the end of the sixth, or the 
beginning of the seventh Olympiad, that is, about 753 
years before the Christian aera. 

Dionys. Halicarn. lib. 1. passim. Liv. Hist. Rom. hb. 1. 
Plut. in Romul. Aurel. Victor, de Orig. Rom. 


ESSAY I. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


7 


1 


REFLECTIONS. 

Whilst uncertainty and obscurity characterize, in a 
greater or less degree, all the pursuits of human wisdom, 
we have reason to be thankful, that “ a more sure word” 
of divine revelation has been granted tons, which is as 
u a light shining in a dark place.” In those ancient and 
infallible records, which were first dictated by the Spirit 
of Truth, and have since been miraculously preserved 
from age to age, facts are revealed which had otherwise 
been buried in perpetual oblivion—doctrines are taught 
which would surpass all human belief, did they not rest 
on divine authoritv—and scenes are unfolded, of which 
the mind of man could never have conceived. By the 
glimmering taper of traditional history, we are able to 
trace but a few steps backward, ere we find ourselves im¬ 
mersed in thickest shades of ignorance and doubt—but 
by the light which Revelation sheds, we can recur, not 
merely to the origin of one family, tribe, or nation, but to 
the birth of Nature herself, and the beginning of Time. 
We can discern the first morning-beam darting through 
the empire of darkness, in prompt obedience to the Om¬ 
nipotent mandate of Jehovah, u Let there be Light.” 
We see the sun for the first time shining forth in his 
meridian strength and splendour—the moon entering on 
her majestic course, and walking in brightness through 
the heavens—the celestial luminaries, either fixed in 
their distant stations or harmoniously moving in their 
appointed orbits—all the various orders and classes of 
created beings springing into existence, and moulded into 
the perfection of beauty—but especially man, the last 
and noblest of the inferior works of God, shining forth in 
the moral image of his divine Creator! Whilst contem¬ 
plating this scene of varied wonders, and devoutly ex¬ 
ploring the records of these remote, but not uncertain 
events, who can forbear exclaiming, “ Great and marvel¬ 
lous are thy works, Lord God Almighty! in wisdom 
hast thou made them all. For thou didst speak and it 
was done; thou commandedst and it stood fast. Thou 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


a 

hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are and 
were created.” 

In the preceding sketch of the origin of Rome, there 
are some obvious points of resemblance to the commence¬ 
ment and progress of the spiritual kingdom of Christ. It 
appears, that the calamities and dispersion of the Trojans 
gave rise to the Roman empire—an empire, whose 
founders were rude and illiterate, whose origin was lowly 
and obscure, and whose first subjects were few and de¬ 
spised; yet which was preserved and nurtured amidst 
the storms and perils of war, till it overspread the earth, 
and gathered its laurels and trophies from remotest 
climes. Thus lowly was the origin, thus small the num¬ 
ber, and thus despised the condition of the first champions 
of the Christian faith. Thus did the persecution and 
consequent dispersion of the primitive disciples of Christ, 
tend to the furtherance of the Gospel, and lead to its 
propagation throughout the world. Thus was the infant 
Church nurtured amidst storms and dangers, and, not¬ 
withstanding all the efforts of her adversaries , l( mightily 
grew and prevailed.” And thus too, will this heaven- 
protected empire pursue its triumphant career, till its 
boundaries shall stretch u from sea to sea, and from the 
rivers to the ends of the earth.” 

But there are also some points of extreme difference 
between the rising empire of Rome and the kingdom of 
the Messiah. The former was founded on usurpation, 
and upheld by violence and oppression ; but justice and 
judgment are the foundations of the latter; “ a sceptre 
of righteousness is the sceptre of his kingdom,” whom 
God “ hath set upon his holy hill of Zion.” The far- 
famed city of Rome was built by a colony of sangui¬ 
nary Avarriors—its soil was saturated and its walls were 
cemented with blood—its first inhabitants subsisted 
chiefly by plunder and rapine, and were defiled with 
every kind of loathsome impurity—but the hallowed 
city of our God is filled with the meek, the merciful, and 
the pure in heart—on its Avails and gates, its temples and 
palaces, is inscribed, “ Glory to God in the highest; 
on earth, peace; good will toward nien”-^and on tho 
yery garments of its citizens is Avritten, u Holiness to the 


ESSAY II. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 9 

Lord.” Rome lias long since fallen; her capitol, her 
temples, her altars, and all her magnificent edifices, have 
perished in the wreck of ages; she ultimately became 
the prey of those nations, which once trembled at her 
power, or cowered beneath her wing: but never shall 
the Church ot’ God be subverted: never shall the gates 
of hell prevail against this imperishable structure—for it 
is founded upon a rock. The Messiah’s kingdom shall 
prove an everlasting kingdom, and his dominion enduretli 
throughout all generations 1 


ESSAY II. 

On the Institutions and Government of Romulus. 

BORN A. C. 771. REIGNED 37 YEARS. 
died A. C. 71b. 

One of the most remarkable circumstances connected 
with the origin of Rome, is, the rapid transition of its 
primitive inhabitants from a rude and almost barbarous 
state of society, to the discipline and subordination of a 
well-organized government. It could scarcely have been 
expected, that a company of fugitives, a band of needy 
adventurers, with arms in their hands, and accustomed to 
predatory exploits, should suddenly submit to legitimate 
authority, and instead of struggling for property or 
power, resign themselves to the guidance of salutary laws. 
This is a sufficient proof of the policy and wisdom of 
their elected Chief, and fully demonstrates the excellence 
of his administration. 

No sooner was the building of the city completed, 
than Romulus applied himself to the internal regulation 
of the colony assembled within its walls. On numbering 
them, he found they amounted to 3000 infantry, and 
300 cavalry. But as this was a small number, compared 
with the wishes and hopes of their leader, he resolved to 
open an asylum for the reception of all who were cohk 

is 5 




10 


STUDIES IN' HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


pelled by their necessities or their crimes to leave their 
homes, as well as for those who, from curiosity, the hope 
of gain, or any other cause, were desirous of change. By 
this means, considerable numbers ot strangers and fugi¬ 
tives were attracted from neighbouring states, and even 
from the remotest parts of Italy. Rome being thus replen¬ 
ished with a mixed multitude of inhabitants, Romulus 
divided the entire population into three tribes ; to each 
of which, a third portion of the city was allotted. Each 
of the tribes was subdivided into ten Curia , and these 
latter were again distributed into ten lesser ramifications, 
called Decurice. The superintendance of these wards, or 
compartments of the city, was assigned to certain officers, 
who on account of the stations they occupied, were called 
Ouriones and Decnriones. The territory of Rome, which 
is said to have extended at that time about six miles 
beyond the walls of the city, was divided into thirty por¬ 
tions, one for each of the Curia?, exclusive of two shares 
of land which were reserved, one for the king’s revenue, 
and the other for the support of the priesthood. 

Resides these minuter classifications, the population 
of Rome was divided into two orders, the Patrician and 
the Plebeian; the former consisted of those who were 
distinguished from their fellow-citizens by age, wisdom, 
valour, or property; the latter included the mass of the 
Roman people. The rights of patronage belonged ex¬ 
clusively to the Patricians , who considered themselves 
bound to advise, protect, and, in every possible way, 
assist their Clients; and in return for the privilege of 
choosing a Patron from amongst the Patricians, the 
Plebeians considered themselves bound to aid their pro¬ 
tector in the execution of his civil or military func¬ 
tions. This regulation, which bears a strong resemblance 
to the feudal system, that afterwards prevailed through¬ 
out Europe, w r as admirably adapted to the existing state 
of society, as it rendered both the higher and lower 
classes mutually dependent. 

The form of government instituted by Romulus was 
6ne, in which liberty and authority were wisely blended. 
In this respect it resembled the British Constitution ; for 
the supreme power was balanced between the Ring, the 


EJCAY II. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


n 


Senate , and an Assembly of the People. The authority 
of the King in civil affairs was exceedingly limited ; lie 
could do little more than convene the deliberative bodies, 
and, having received their instructions, carry into effect 
their decrees. But as General of the Army, he exercised 
an uncontrouled authority over all the military forces of 
the kingdom. He was attended on all occasions b y 
twelve Lictors, armed with fasces, or officers carrying 
axes surrounded by bundles of rods, which were in¬ 
tended to represent the administration of justice. When 
at the head of the army, he was surrounded by a guard 
of three hundred chosen youths, who, on account of their 
agility, were called Celeres. The Senate , as first consti¬ 
tuted by Romulus, consisted of 100 Patricians, who were 
the official counsellors of the king. These were elected 
by the people, and were usually called Fathers , either on 
account of their age, or their supposed parental attach¬ 
ment to their fellow-citizens. They deliberated on all 
questions of policy or religion submitted to them, either 
by the King, or by an Assembly of the People, and de¬ 
cided by a majority of suffrages. To this august body, 
all the civil, military, and religious dignities were exclu¬ 
sively attached for several centuries. So great was their 
influence, that they were considered the living guardians 
of the State, and supreme interpreters of the law. The 
People were assembled for the election of Magistrates, 
the enactment of laws, and the determination of war or 
peace; subject, however, to the final approbation of the 
Senate. These assemblies were usually characterized by 
violence, and proved a perpetual source of discord ; yet 
to the energy they inspired, are to be ascribed the vigour., 
the triumphs, and the unrivalled prosperity ofthe Roman 
Commonwealth in future ages. 

Besides these political institutions of Romulus, there 
were others which related to the worship of the gods. Many 
of these religious rites were borrowed from his Etruscan 
neighbours ; some were derived from the Greeks, and 
had probably been introduced by Evander or AEneas: 
but others were ceremonies ordained by himself, suited to 
the superstitious character of his subjects, and evidently 
intended to answer political as well as religious purposes. 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK l. 


22 


The principal of these-were, the appointment of a temple, 
a priest, and a separate deity to each of the Curia , or 
wards of the city ; the establishment of a college of priests, 
Augurs, and Aruspiccs ;* and the institution of festivals 
in honour not only of the gods of Greece and Italy, but 
ofothers also who were elevated to that dignity by himself, 
such as the goddess of Counsel , the Asylcean god, 
Jupiter Feretrius , Jupiter Stator , &c. 

It seemed necessary to be thus particular in describing 
the ancient constitution of Rome, because it formed the 
basis of that towering superstructure which was after¬ 
wards reared; and also, because there will be frequent 
occasion to allude to some or other of these institutions of 
Romulus in subsequent essays. 

The Roman government, thus constituted, gained 
strength daily, and became increasingly formidable to 
its jealous neighbours. But as its population consisted 
almost entirely of unmarried youths, it became the ob¬ 
vious policy of its founder, to engage them in matrimo¬ 
nial alliances. For this purpose ambassadors were sent 
to the Sabines and other contiguous states, to propose a 
league, the leading article of which should be, the mar¬ 
riage of their daughters to the Roman youth. But these 
overtures were rejected with scorn : the messengers were 
treated with great indignity; and it was tauntingly pro¬ 
posed, “that the Romans should open an asylumfor female 
fugitives and slaves.” This insult was soon afterwards 

* The Angurs or Soothsayers were persons appointed to inter¬ 
pret dreams, oracles, prodigies, &c. and to foretel future events 
by what were considered prosperous or disastrous omens. They 
’did this by observing remarkable appearances in the heavens, the 
flight of birds, the motion ofbeasts, or any unusual accident. Ro¬ 
mulus was considered skilful in this art, and being well aware of 
its influence upon a superstitious multitude, instituted three 
augurs, one for each tribe. Their number was afterwards aug¬ 
mented at different periods to fifteen. The Aruspices were so 
called from their oflice of inspecting the altars and predicting 
future occurrences from the appearances of the victims olfered in 
sacrifice. Roth these kinds of divination were held so sacred by 
the Romans, that it would have been considered profane in the 
highest degree to found a city, build a temple, proclaim war, elect 
magistrates, or hold a public assembly, without having first con¬ 
sulted the Augurs and 'Aruspices, 



ESSAY II. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 13 

signally avenged by Romulus, who seized and carried off 
a great number of Sabine virgins and others, who were 
assembled with their parents at a festival, which Romulus 
had proclaimed for that purpose, though professedly in 
honour ot Neptune. All resistance was vain ; the Romans 
were alike deaf to threats and entreaties; the bereaved 
and injured parents were haughtily driven from the city, 
and their daughters detained, in violation of all the rights 
of hospitality and justice. The whole number said to 
have been carried off was 683; of whom, one of distin¬ 
guished beauty, (named Hersilia,) was chosen by Ro¬ 
mulus, and the rest were distributed amongst his bravest 
warriors ; all of whom w ere immediately married accord¬ 
ing to the Roman custom. 

The injured parties breathed revenge and slaughter. 
Borne along by their inflamed passions, rather than guided 
by prudence, they flew to arms ; but, instead of acting in 
concert, they separately invaded the Roman territories, 
and thus became the easy prey of the conqueror. The 
inhabitants of Coenina, of Crustuminum, and of Antemnae, 
were successively vanquished and their cities taken. The 
Sabines alone acted with determined courage. They 
assembled a numerous army, and marched to Rome with 
a resolution to conquer or die. The conflict was most 
arduous, and the issue long remained doubtful, till it was 
decided by an act of female tenderness and heroism 
which deserves to be particularly recorded. The Sabine 
women who were now become the wives, and, in some 
instances, the mothers of Romans, rushed into the field of 
battle, with dishevelled locks, and in mourning attire, 
threw themselves among the spears of the combatants, and, 
by their entreaties, their tears, and the eloquence of their 
distress, obtained a suspension of hostilities, which was 
quickly followed by a treaty of union. In consequence 
of this seasonable interference, the Romans and Sabines 
became one people; the city wa,s enlarged by the admis¬ 
sion of thousands of Sabine citizens; a hundred of the 
most distinguished were added to the Roman Senators, 
and Romulus consented to divide the honours of royalty 
with Tati us, the king of the Sabines, who reigned jointly 
with himself about five years. As this increase of wealth 


14 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

and power could alone be ascribed to female influence, 
distinguished honours were decreed by the Senate to the 
Sabine women. They were exempted from many bur¬ 
dens common to their sex, and enjoyed many immunities 
forbidden to others. In public they were treated with 
marked respect, and their children were distinguished by 
an ornamented dress. 

After the death of Tatius, Romulus became more arbi¬ 
trary and oppressive. He elevated himself above the 
laws, and superseded the authority of the Senate. He 
undertook and carried on wars without the sanction of 
that legislative body, and even in defiance of its decrees.- 
Having gained many victories over the Camerim, the 
Fidenates and the Veientes, whose countries he ravaged, 
whose chief cities he pillaged, and whose inhabitants were 
sold as slaves, he enriched his troops with the spoils, and 
divided amongst them the conquered countries, by his 
soie authority. Irritated with these arbitrary proceed¬ 
ings, the Senate determined privately to assassinate him. 
The authors, circumstances, and manner of his death 
were carefully concealed through fear of the people ; and 
lest suspicion should attach to themselves, the Senators 
circulated a report, that lie was carried up from the midst 
of them into heaven, and was now to be considered as the 
tutelar deity of Rome. This tale was implicitly believed, 
and in consequence of the credit attached to it, altars 
were erected, and sacrifices offered to him under the 
name of Quirinus. The death of Romulus took place in 
the fifty-fifth year of his age, and thirty-seventh of his 
reign. 

Dionyg. Halicarn. lib. 2. Pint, in vit. Komiil. lav. Hist. lib. ]. 
Flor. Hist. Korn. lib. 1. Aurel, Yict. de Vir. Illust. &c. See. 


REFLECTIONS. 

It may be inferred from the preceding narrative, that 
interest as well as duty requires subjection to lawful 
authorities. For what had been the fate of the Roman 


ESSAY II. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


[J 


colony, when first planted on the Palatine hill, and dwell¬ 
ing in an almost defenceless city, if, instead of organiz¬ 
ing themselves into a compact society, and submitting to 
those laws which wisdom or policy suggested to their 
leader, they had remained a lawless rabble, unconnected 
by any civil or social tie, and intent alone upon their 
separate interests or private advantage? Would they 
have risen to political eminence amongst the nations, or 
Would they not rather have quickly become the prey of 
their more powerful, because more civilized neighbours? 
It is most evident that the strength and security of a 
state, depend upon union ; and union implies subordina¬ 
tion on the one part, as well as legitimate authority on 
the other. Such is the reciprocal relation and mutual 
dependence of the several orders of society, so closely are 
the several members of the social body knit together, and 
so completely are their interests blended, that no part, 
however small, can suffer injury without the whole being 
injured ; and in the prosperity of the minutest part, all is 
prospered. But if the mere apprehension of danger, or 
a sense of interest, were of themselves sufficient to induce 
subjection to the higher powers amongst heathen nations, 
shall not the divine precepts and the sacred obligations of 
the Gospel of Christ, much rather, incline us to submit 
to existing authorities, not only u for wrath, but also for 
conscience sake.'’ 

It is painful to observe how frequently religion, or 
rather its semblance, has been rendered subservient to 
state-policy. This was the practice of all heathen legis¬ 
lators and princes. That religious ceremonies were so 
employed by Romulus is evident, from the care he took 
to associate the office of High Priest with his regal dig¬ 
nity—from the appointment of auguries, over w hich he 
exercised a supreme controul—from his erecting a temple 
to the Asylacan god, as an expedient for replenishing his 
thinly-inhabited city—and especially from his celebrat¬ 
ing a splendid feast, under the pretence of honouring 
Neptune, but in reality to obtain wives for his soldiers by 
the most fraudulent means. But unhappily this prosti¬ 
tution of religious rites to political purposes is not con¬ 
fined to the pagan world. Nations professedly Christian 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


COOK I. 


16 


have in like manner profaned, by the unhallowed touch 
of worldly policy, the ark of God. Their annals are 
tilled wilh details of political projects, covered with a 
flimsy veil of external piety and apparent zeal. They 
furnish many examples of institutions, which seemed to 
originate in fervent devotion, but were really intended to 
gratify the ambition, or nourish the avarice of their pro¬ 
jectors. Such were the Crusades of former ages, and 
such have long been tiie monastic institutions and splen¬ 
did hierarchy of the Church of Rome. These, and all 
other attempts to secularize the Gospel of Christ, are di¬ 
rectly opposed to the evangelical canon of our Divine 
Legislator, (( My kingdom is not of this worlds 

Great as was the injustice and cruelty of Romulus, in 
fearing away hundreds of defenceless females from the 
arms of their affectionate parents, and forcing them into 
a reluctant marriage, it will bear no comparison with the 
barbarity of the deliberate violator of female chastity, 
who first vitiates and then bnsely deserts his hapless prey. 
Let Christian parents learn from this fragment of ancient 
history to restrain their beloved offspring from those in¬ 
dulgences which may prove ensnaring and seductive— 
to repress their vain and dangerous curiosity—and 
especially to beware of introducing them to those scenes 
of moral pollution, from which they can scarcely escape 
without defilement. llow r bitter must be the regrets, and 
how painful the self-accusations of those, who are con¬ 
scious of having thus been accessary to the infamy and 
ruin of their own offspring. And let unguarded youth 
beware of pursuing those amusements, and seeking those 
sensual gratifications, which have proved fatal to the 
peace, the reputation, and the lives of myriads of their 
fellow mortals. Let them not venture too near to those 
rocks and shoals amongst which so many of their fellow- 
voyagers have been dashed in pieces. Let them con¬ 
template with salutary fear the scattered wrecks of those, 
who having followed a multitude to do evil, drowned 
themselves in perdition. 

Happy is it for mankind, when female influence is 
employed in works of benevolence, like those which 
reflect so much honour on the Sabine women. Youthful 


ESSAY II. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


17 


charms and feminine beauty, (especially when aided by 
tender entreaties and flowing tears,) plead with an elo¬ 
quence which the most ferocious and sanguinary can 
scarcely resist. Ilow desirable is it that these powerful 
agents, which have too often been offensively employed 
in fomenting discords or inflaming the passions of man¬ 
kind, should be used as instruments of pence and means 
of reconciliation ! Exert then your influence, ye virtuous 
fair—that influence with which the God of Nature has 
richly endowed yoiv—in tranquillizing the passions, 
allaying the resentments, and restraining the vehemence 
of those, who own your sway ! Employ all t he persuasive 
eloquence of chaste affection, in ceaseless efforts to dimi¬ 
nish the sum of human guilt and misery; so will ye 
prove yourselves to be angels of mercy, sent in com¬ 
passion to mankind, to sooth their sorrows, and alleviate 
their accumulated sufferings 1 

It appears that Romulus was assassinated as a tyrant 
by the same persons, who immediately afterwards con¬ 
sented to worship him as a god ! Such was the absur¬ 
dity of Paganism ! Creatures the most contemptible were 
enrolled amongst their deities. Characters the most flagi¬ 
tious, whose frantic ambition inspired universal terror, or 
whose crimes rendered them objects of detestation, were 
no sooner dead, than they were held up to the credulous 
multitude as objects of religious adoration! To such ex¬ 
tremes of infatuation and delusion is the human mind 
capable of proceeding, when destitute of the light of 
divine Revelation ! How great was the forbearance of 
the Most High, who winked at these former times of 
ignorance and idolatry, instead of executing sudden ven¬ 
geance ! But let it be remembered that the Sovereign of 
the Universe “ now calls upon all men everywhere to 
repent,” and has assured them, that, u except they repent 3 
they shall all perish.” 


18 


S IX'dies in history. 


BOOK I. 


ESSAY III. 

On the reigns of Numa Pompilius, Tullus IIosti- 
lius, and Angus Martius. 

from A. C. 715—640. 

The death of Romulus was followed by a suspension 
of the regal authority, which lasted about twelvemonths. 
During this interregnum, the affairs of state were admi¬ 
nistered by each of the Senators in rotation five days suc¬ 
cessively. Rut the Roman citizens at length grew weary 
of this incessant change of rulers, and demanded of th^ 
Senate to proceed without delay to the election of a King. 
The Senators yielded to a request which they feared to 
resist, and making a merit of necessity, relinquished an 
authority which They felt themselves unable to retain. A 
general assembly was convened, in which, after much 
deliberation, it was resolved that the new king should be 
elected from amongst the Sabines, but that the right of 
choice should be vested alone in the ancient Roman 
Senators. B y this expedient the jealousies which had 
arisen between the new and old inhabitants of Rome were 
happily removed, and both parties were satisfied. 

The electors without hesitation made choice of Numa 
Pompilius, a Sabine philosopher, who was then about 
forty years of age; of noble birth; of eminent piety, 
(according to the heathen acceptation of that term:) and, 
considering the age in which he lived, of distinguished 
literary attainments. His habits of life were unostenta¬ 
tious and self-denying; and his philosophical opinions 
appear to have been purer and more refined than any of 
those systems, which afterwards prevailed both in Italy 
and Greece. It was with the greatest reluctance, that 
Numa, on being apprized that the choice of the Senate 
had been approved and confirmed by an assembly of the 
people, consented to quit his beloved retirement, and ex¬ 
change his favourite studies, for regal honours, lie 
yielded, however, at last, to the earnest solicitations of 


ESSAY III, 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


19 


the Roman deputies, enforced as they were by the en¬ 
treaties of his most valued friends, and ascended the 
throne amidst the applauses and acclamations of all his 
subjects. 

As Numa was a stranger to the ambition and military 
ardor that fired the breast of his predecessor, it was 
natural that he should pursue a different line of policy. 
Instead of seeking an increase of territory by the devas¬ 
tation and subversion of weaker states, he sought princi¬ 
pally to ameliorate the character, soften the manners, and 
tame the ferocious passions of his warlike subjects; to 
unite them more firmly in the bonds of peace and social 
order; and thus to lay a foundation for their permanent 
happiness and repose. The measures adopted during his 
tranquil reign seem to have been calculated to answer 
these valuable purposes. Lest his example should tend 
to cherish a martial spirit, he dismissed the corps that 
formed his military guard, assigning as a reason for dis¬ 
banding them, that lie had no need of soldiers to protect 
him from those whom he loved, and who were cordially 
attached to his person and government. With a similar 
design he erected a temple to Janus, who was represented 
with two faces looking in opposite directions, to denote 
the necessity of foresight and retrospection in all military 
undertakings. This temple was to stand continually 
open in time of war, and to be shut during the continu¬ 
ance of peace. Prompted by the same pacific disposi¬ 
tion, he encouraged agriculture, by dividing the lands, 
which Romulus had annexed to the Roman state, amongst 
his poorer subjects, and offering rewards to those who 
cultivated them with the greatest industry. Perceiving 
that the distinction between the citizens of Rome, who 
were of Sabine, and those who were of Roman origin, 
proved a fruitful source of discord, he abolished the dis¬ 
tinction by dividing them into classes, consisting severally 
of persons following the same trade or occupation ; to 
each of which companies, certain privileges were attached. 
The laws he enacted, (some of which have been pre¬ 
served,) were characterized by a regard to justice and 
benevolence; particularly those which prohibited fathers 
from selling their sons for slaves after their marriage. 


£0 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

and which enjoined upon masters, a regard to the lives 
and comfort of their slaves. Amongst other proofs ot his 
attention to the improvement of science, may be men¬ 
tioned his attempt to reform the Calendar, and to recon¬ 
cile the difference between the Lunar and Solar A car, by 
the insertion of a short intercalary month in every alter¬ 
nate year. 

But the reign of Numa is chiefly remarkable as the 
acra of Roman Mythology, when the greater part of those 
ceremonies were devised, which continued to be religi¬ 
ously observed by the Romans during many ages; and 
when the several orders of the priesthood were instituted, 
of which frequent mention is made in the annals of that 
republic. Fully aware of the influence of religion, (as 
far as it was understood by him,) upon the happiness and 
well-being of society, he laboured diligently through his 
whole reign to impress his subjects with a veneration for 
the “ gods of their idolatry,” and to form them to habits 
of superstitious devotion. With this view, he built 
temples, erected altars, instituted festivals, appointed 
numerous augurs and aruspices, who were to be consulted 
on all occasions both common and extraordinary, and 
constituted a great variety of priests and priestesses under 
the names of Flamina y Salii , Fecia/es, Vestals , and Pon- 
tifices , over whom he himself presided under the title of 
Fontifex Maximus.* 

Yet notwithstanding the institution of an almost 
endless variety of superstitious riles for vulgar use, ancient 


* The Ftamina were priests, whose ministry w as confined to 
some particular deity, by whose name they were designated, as 
jp /amen Dialis, a priest of Jupiter, Flamen Martial is , a priest of 
Mars, See. The Salii were the official guardians of the ancilia, or 
sacred shields that were reported to have fallen from heaven, and 
were deposited in the temple of Mars. The Feciales were heralds 
dispatched on all solemn public occasions to demand a reparation 
of injuries, or, in case of refusal, to declare war against the 
offenders. The Vestals were priestesses of the goddess Vesta, 
employed in the service of her temple, and especially charged 
with the duty of keeping the sacred lire on her altar continually 
burning. The Foaiifie.cs were the most sacred order of priests, 
on whom devolved the superintendanee of all sacred festivals 
gnd religious rites, both on common and special occasions. 



ESSAY III. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


21 


historians tell us, that Nurna entertained much purer 
and more refined conceptions of the Deity, contem¬ 
plating him as ct the self-existent Principle of all things, 
invisible, immortal, and intelligible to the mind* but not 
to sense.” It is even asserted by Plutarch, that he pro¬ 
hibited the setting up of any image, by which to represent 
the Deity, either in human form or in that of any kind 
of beast; a prohibition which w as regarded by the 
Romans through several centuries. 

Having arrived at the advanced age of eighty-three, 
and reigned in uninterrupted peace forty-three years, 
Nurna died, universally lamented as the parent of his 
people and benefactor of mankind. According to his 
request, his body was interred in a stone collin, and his 
writings both in Greek and Latin,(which were numerous,) 
were deposited in another by its side. These were 
taken up about 400 years after, and burnt by order of 
ithe Senate, that none might be involved in the guilt of 
prying into such sacred mysteries! 

Turn.us Hostilius, who was chosen after a short 
interregnum to succeed Nurna, possessed none of the 
mild and amiable virtues of his predecessor, but rather 
inherited the adventurous ambition of the founder of the 
Roman state. Such a prince was not likely to maintain 
that peace, which had been so long preserved by the 
conciliatory measures of Nurna, and had proved so great 
a blessing to the commonwealth. Soon after his eleva- 
tion, an occasion of waging war with the ancient and 
flourishing city of Alba was eagerly seized, the real object 
of which was to ascertain by an appeal to arms, which of 
the two cities should be the metropolis of Latium. The 
military strength of both these kindred states was quickly 
brought into the field. At the same time, the Veientes 
and Fidenates, inhabitants of neighbouring states that 
had been conquered by Romulus, prepared to throw off 
the yoke, and desert the Roman standard. The Roman 
and Alban armies met, and a dreadful battle was ex¬ 
pected to take place, when a proposal was made by the 
Alban general to spare the effusion of blood, by referring 
the question to single combat. Three champions from 
either army were to be chosen, to whose swords the cause 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK 1. 


OQ 

***** 


of their country should be confided. It happened that 
in each of the hostile camps there was a trio of brethren, 
nearly related to each other, of equal age, and all ol whom 
were celebrated lor their courage and skill. The Alban 
youths were called, the Curiatii , and the Roman, the 
Ilomtii. These were by common consent lixed upon, 
as the champions of their country’s liberty and honour. 
The combatants were conducted to the lists, amidst the 
shouts and acclamations of both armies, w ho were spec¬ 
tators of the contest. The mind sickens at the painful 
recital, and, instead of dwelling with interest and satis¬ 
faction on the circumstances of this inhuman combat, 
gladly passes over them to observe its issue. After two 
of the Horatii had been killed by their antagonists, and 
all the three Curiatii were w ounded, the surviving Roman 
champion obtained an easy and complete victory, by 
first separating, and then successively putting to the 
sword, his feeble adversaries. On his return from thei 
field of battle laden with the spoils, and clad in the 
armour of his slaughtered foes, he was met by his sister, 
who had been contracted, and was ardently attached, to 
one of the Curiatii. In an agony of grief at beholding 
the blood-stained vestments of her lover, she rent her 
hair, uttered the most piercing cries, and upbraided the 
conqueror with the murder of her dearest earthly friend. 
Irritated by her unseasonable grief, and elated with his 
recent victory, Horatius, in a transport of anger, drew 
his sword, and laid her lifeless at his feet. This disastrous 
event quickly turned the public joy into mourning, and 
their admiration of the champion of Rome into detestation 
of the guilty fratricide. He was apprehended, and de¬ 
livered to the Duumviri, officers appointed to try cri¬ 
minal offences, by whom he was condemned to die. But 
by the advice of Tullus Hostilius, who wished to save 
his life, though he feared to do it by his sole authority, 
Horatius appealed from the sentence of the Duumviri to 
an assembly of the people, by whom he was finally 
absolved, in consideration of the eminent services he w as 
supposed to have rendered to his country. 

The latter years of the reign of Hostilius were occupied 
with incessant wars, in all of which he was successful* 


ESSAY III. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 23 

Alba Longa was dismantled, and its principal inha¬ 
bitants were carried away. The Veieirtes and Fidcnates 
were again subjugated by the Roman armies, and the 
Sabines and Latins who had also revolted, were defeated 
in several engagements with great loss. After having 
reigned thirty-two years, llostilius died, or as some 
suppose, was assassinated by his people, who were re¬ 
duced to the utmost distress by a grievous famine. 

He was followed in the government of Rome by 
Ancus Martius, the grandson of Numa Pompilius, 
whose reign was distinguished by no remarkable occur¬ 
rences. His principal objects seem to have been,—to 
restore the institutions of Numa, which had gradually 
fallen into disuse—to fortify and improve the city by a 
variety of public and sacred buildings—and to form a 
sea-port at the mouth of the Tiber, which, by facilitating 
commerce, rapidly increased the wealth and importance 
of his flourishing kingdom. Encouraged by the equity 
of bis government, or attracted by the hope of dis¬ 
tinction, many strangers came from distant cities to 
settle at Rome, amongst whom was Lucumo, a wealthy 
and accomplished foreigner, whose history will be re¬ 
lated in the next essay. The death of Ancus Martius, 
the fourth King of Rome, took place in the twenty-fourth 
year of his reign, and about 135 years after the building 
of the city. 


Pint, in vit. Nnm. Dionys. Ilalicarn. lib. 2 et 3. Liv. Hist. 
Rom. lib. 1. L. Flor. Hist. lib. 1. Aurol. Yict. ile vir illust. See. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Amongst all the characters celebrated in ancient or 
modern history, few are to be found that will bear a 
comparison with Numa Pompilius. Seldom lias it been 
seen that the unostentatious pursuits of literature, or the 
sacred exercises of religion, have been preferred to the 
dazzling honours of a crown, and the splendid but peril- 


STUDIES IN HISTORY.’ 


ROOK I. 


m 

ous duties of a Sovereign ! Yet more rare istlie example 
of a prince, who having reluctantly ascended the throne, 
opposes himself to the torrent of ambition, and, instead 
of seeking to aggrandize himself by extending his ter¬ 
ritory, breathes the spirit of peace, and labours to diffuse 
that spirit amongst his subjects! Yet such a character 
is Numa represented to have been, whose public and 
private virtues, growing up as they did beneath the 
deadly shade of superstition, will hereafter rise up in 
judgment, and condemn the more enlightened Monarch, 
whose ambition renders him the scourge of nations, and 
a curse to mankind. If a heathen ruler exhibited such a 
self-denying spirit, such a retiring and undissembled 
modesty, how qiuch rather should those who bear the 
hallowed name of Jesus, whether of humble or of royal 
birth, learn of their divine Master to cultivate meekness 
and lowliness of mind—to exercise self-denial and univer¬ 
sal charity—and especially u to follow peace with all 
men, and holiness, without which none can see the Lord.” 
Such characters, whatever station they may occupy, 
cannot fail to prove public blessings ‘ nor can they be 
strangers to inward felicity, for u the faithful and true 
witness” has affirmed, “ Blessed are the peace-makers, 
for they shall be called the children of God.” 

But though in some respects Numa merited the 
highest praise, there are others in which he cannot be too 
severely censured. The charge mentioned by the Apostle 
Paul in writing to the Romans, applies in part to him, in 
common with many of the Philosophers and Legislators 
of antiquity, “ when they knew God, they glorified him 
not as God.” They seem in many instances to have 
been imperfectly, if not fully, acquainted with the doc¬ 
trines of the Unity and Spirituality of God. They were 
convinced in their judgments of the folly and absurdity 
of polytheism. They considered the rites of Paganism, 
as irrational and unphilosophical, and sometimes repre¬ 
sented them in their writings as gross impositions upon 
the credulity of mankind. Yet they not unfrequently 
sanctioned all the mummery of superstition by their own 
example, and concealed from the deluded multitude with 
the utmost care, the knowledge they had acquired on 


ESSAY III. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


25 


these important subjects. Far different was the conduct 
of the Apostles, and that of the primitive teachers of 
Christianity. They literally complied with the injunc¬ 
tion of their Divine Teacher. What had been told them 
“ in secret, they proclaimed openly; what they had 
heard in the ear, they published upon the house-tops.” 
They declared “ the whole counsel of God” without con¬ 
cealment or reserve, in the temple, the synagogues, the 
forum, the streets, and every other place of public resort. 
—They went from city to city, exposing every where the 
absurdity of Paganism, and preaching, at the hazard of 
their lives, “ Jesus and the resurrection.” 

The disastrous combat between the three Alban and 
Roman brethren, is in one respect to be commended, as 
an expedient for preventing a far greater effusion of 
human blood; but in another it must be contemplated 
with abhorrence, as a melancholy instance of the frenzy 
of ambition, and the miseries in which it frequently 
plunges its infatuated votaries. When this infernal pas¬ 
sion gains the ascendancy, how completely does it blunt 
the edge of sensibility, freeze the current of the affec¬ 
tions, break down the firmest barriers of obligation, and 
prostrate the fairest fabrics of human happiness! Led on, 
or rather, furiously impelled by this malignant daemon, 
how often does man point a murderous weapon at his 
fellow-man, and brethren plant their daggers in each 
other’s breasts, whilst innocence and virtue attempt in 
vain to check these destructive ravages! Nor will this 
minister of Satan cease to deluge the earth with misery, 
till the general diffusion of Christian knowledge, and 
an abundant outpouring of the Spirit of Christ, shall 
counteract its tremendous evils, and repair the desola* 
tions of many generations. 


i 


c 


26 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


ESSAY IV. 

On the Government of the Tarquins. 
from A. C. 610—506. 

The fifth of the kings of Rome was Lucius Tarqui- 
nius, afterwards called Prisons or the elder, to distinguish 
him from Tarquin the Proud. He was of Grecian ex¬ 
traction, his father haying been a merchant of Corinth, 
who acquired great wealth in that commercial city. But 
finding it difficult to preserve his substance from 
the rapacity of Cypselus, who was at that time the 
tyrant of Corinth, he determined to forsake his native 
<city, and remove to Tarquinii in Etruria. Soon after 
his settlement in Italy, Lucumo was born* who, in a 
subsequent period of his life, was better known by the 
assumed name of Lucius Tarquinius—a name obviously 
derived, according to the custom of that age, from that 
of the place of his birth. Arrived at maturity, he 
formed a matrimonial alliance with Tanaquil, a woman 
of distinguished rank and boundless ambition, whose 
artifices prepared the way for his future elevation. By 
her advice he removed from Tarquinii to Rome, where 
his wealth and talents were more likely to obtain for 
their possessor civil and military distinctions, than in 
Etruria. The expectations of Tanaquil proved well 
founded, for Tarquin’s name was quickly enrolled 
amongst those of the citizens of Rome, and as the reward 
of his valour in several engagements with the Veientes 
and the Latins, he was shortly afterwards made a Patri¬ 
cian and a Senator. This enterprising stranger insinuated 
himself so completely into the favour and confidence of 
Ancus Martius, that the latter entrusted to him the sole 
guardianship of his two sons. But Tarquin, regardless 
of this sacred trust, and prompted by an insatiable 
ambition, contrived to secure to himself the suffrages of 
the people, and obtain the exclusion of the rightful heir 
to the crown. He effected this most unjust and dis- 


ESSAY IV. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 27 

honourable purpose by means of bribery, and every 
other species of corrupt influence, which his ample 
wealth or imposing eloquence afforded. Having ob¬ 
tained his election, he proceeded to strengthen his in¬ 
terest in the Senate and increase his popularity, by 
choosing from amongst the Plebeians a hundred of his 
most zealous partizans, whom he first elevated to the 
rank of Patricians, and then introduced into the august 
body of Roman Senators. 

From such ambitious beginnings, a tyrannical reign 
might have been anticipated, but, on the contrary, all 
ancient historians agree in representing the administra¬ 
tion of Tarquin the elder as mild and equitable, tending 
greatly to augment the power and dignity of Rome. In 
the former years of his reign, lie triumphed successively 
over the Latins, the Fidenatcs, the Ftruscans, and, at 
subsequent periods, in a succession of sanguinary battles, 
lie defeated the Sabines, who were the most ancient and 
formidable enemies of the Roman commonwealth. With 
the spoils of these conquered tribes, he defrayed the 
expence of erecting several costly edifices and carrying 
on public works of great utility. In imitation of his 
Grecian ancestors, he built a circus for the celebration of 
public games.* He enlarged and beautified the forum; 
which Romulus had erected, by surrounding it with 
porticos and halls, intended for the administration of 
justice, the education of youth, and the transaction of 
commercial affairs. This public-spirited prince also 
surrounded the city with a wall of hewn stone, instead of 
that which before was built of clay; and constructed 
those subterraneous channels or sewers for draining and 
cleansing the city, which Pliny described, after the 


* The circus built by Tarquin was afterwards distinguished 
from the rest by the name of Circus Maximus. It was of great 
extent, for it is said to have accommodated 150,000 spectators. 
In the arena, or stage, were exhibited shows of gladiators, wrest¬ 
lers, and combatants with wild beasts, chariot and foot races* 
&c. &c. resembling in many respects, but far exceeding in fero¬ 
city, the more ancient Grecian games, which are more paiticu* 
lady described in the History of Greece, p. 93. 



£8 STUDIES IN HISTORY-. BOOK I. 

lapse of many centuries, as still attracting the admiration 
of the world.* 

When Tarquin had arrived at an advanced age, he 
undertook the erection of a magnificent and spacious 
temple, in fulfilment of a vow he had formerly made 
to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. The spot on which he 
fixed, (and where, with many pompous ceremonies, he 
laid the foundation of that celebrated structure which 
■was afterwards called the Capitol,) was the summit of 
the Tarpeian hill, which overlooked the greater part of 
the city. But the execution of this favourite project was 
suddenly broken off' by the death of its founder. A 
conspiracy, planned by the exiled sons of Ancus Mar- 
tius, terminated the existence of Tarquin the elder, in the 
eightieth year of his age and thirty-eighth of his reign. 

But the inventive genius of Tanaquil devised means 
of retaining the government of Borne in her own family, 
and frustrating the designs of the conspirators. For no 
sooner had the hoary-headed monarch received a moital 
wound from the dagger of an assassin within the walls of 
liis own palace, than she resolved on concealing his death 
till the administration of public affairs should be trans¬ 
ferred to Servius Tullius, a youth of obscure origin, 
to whom her daughter Tarquinia had been given in mar¬ 
riage. For this purpose a report was circulated, that the 


* The passage of Pliny now referred to gives such an animated 
description of these public w orks, that it claims particular notice. 
“The cloaca, or sewers, acknowledged to be the most stupendous 
of all the works of antiquity, were executed by Tarquinius 
Priscus, who contrived, by undermining and perforating the 
seven hills on which Rome is built, to make the city hang, as it 
were, between heaven and earth, and rendered it capable of 
being sailed under. Agrippa, in his Edileship, made seven 
streams meet together in this subterraneous channel, forming 
thereby so rapid a current, as to bear dow n every thing that ob¬ 
structed its course. Sometimes when swelled with continued 
rains, this stream strikes with excessive fury against these ancient 
w alls. Yet notwithstanding the contlict which has been main¬ 
tained for ages w ith the waters of the Tiber, the frequent passage 
of fragments of stone or timber, and the pressure of a whole city 
often affected by earthquakes and other calamities, the works re¬ 
main entire, and their foundation is unimpaired almost 800 years 
after their construction. Plin. Oper. lib. 33. 



ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


29 


king was recovering of bis wounds, long after he had 
actually expired, which so dispirited the sons of Ancus 
Martins, as to induce them to flee with precipitatiou 
from Rome, and leave Servius Tullius in quiet possession 
of the kingdom. 

The reign of this prince was chiefly occupied with 
political arrangements, tending indeed to.consolidate the 
empire, but also most evidently preparing the way for 
that revolution which took place in the following reign. 
He divided the whole number of Roman citizens, (which 
then amounted to fourscore thousand,) into six classes , 
according to the property they possessed; these were 
again subdivided into a greater or less number of centuries , 
over each of which a centurion of distinguished wisdom 
or valour presided. A part of each century consisted of 
those who on account of their age and experience, were 
left at home in time of war for the defence of the city ; 
but all the rest were liable to be employed in foreign ser¬ 
vice by a decree of the Senate, or according to the 
will of the reigning prince. A tax was levied on each 
century according to the class to which it belonged, by 
which means each individual contributed towards the 
exigencies of the state, in exact proportion to the amount, 
of his property. A general census, or estimate of the 
population of the kingdom, was to take place every fifth 
year, accompanied with sacrifices and other religious 
rites, which were called lustrations. This led to the 
computation of time amongst the Romans by Lustra , or 
periods of five years, as that of the Greeks had been by 
Olympiads. Another prominent feature of the policy of 
Servius Tullius was, to increase the power of the Senate 
and diminish that of the crown, by devolving on the 
former some of those functions which had belonged ex¬ 
clusively to the latter; particularly the jurisdiction of all 
such civil causes, as were not considered capital offences, 
which alone were deemed worthy of regal interference. 
By these and many similar regulations, a republican 
character was given to the commonwealth, even while 
the forms of royalty were preserved. 

After having reigned in peace and with honour upwards 
of forty-three years, a melancholy catastrophe terminated 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


30 


the life of this amiable prince—a catastrophe which was 
brought about by such a complication of enormous 
crimes, and attended with such circumstances of unheard- 
of barbafity, that History blushes and shudders, while 
she records the loathsome facts. It appears that Servius 
had married his two daughters to the two surviving sons 
of Tarquin the elder, with the hope of securing to his 
posterity the undisputed sovereignty of Rome. His 
younger daughter Tullia, who had been married to 
Arunx, Tarquin’s youngest son, formed a criminal attach¬ 
ment to Lucius Tarquinius, her eldest sister’s husband, 
whose aspiringtemper and licentious habits were far more 
congenial to her wishes and hopes, than the milder and 
unambitious qualities of her despised husband. Lost to 
all decency, as well as destitute of every humane senti¬ 
ment, this monster of depravity did not hesitate to excite 
her licentious paramour to the execution of a project, 
which w ould lead to the immediate possession of the glit¬ 
tering object of their ambition. This was no less than 
the murder of her father, sister, and husband, preparatory 
to an incestuous marriage between themselves. Instead 
of starting back with horror from the infamous proposal, 
and recoiling with disgust from his infernal tempter, 
Tarquin entered boldly on the career of iniquity which 
had been set before him; and having begun with poison¬ 
ing his wife and brother, concluded with hurling his 
venerable parent, the hoary-headed monarch, from his 
throne, whose mangled body was cast out into the streets 
of the city by the wretched instruments of his barbarity. 
Tullia hastened to congratulate the usurper on his acces¬ 
sion, and in returning, drove her triumphal car over the 
yet panting remains of her royal father, w hose blood is 
said to have dyed her chariot wheels, and stained her 
magnificent robes. Such horror was excited bv these 
atrocities, and especially by the barbarity of Tullia, that 
the street in which the transaction took place, the day on 
which it was perpetrated, and the very name of the par¬ 
ricide, were branded with perpetual infamy. 

The crown which Tarquin had seized thus violently, 
he felt it necessary to maintain by similar acts of cruelty 
and oppression. Not daring to refer his cause to the de« 


ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTOIIY OF ROME. 


31 


cision of the Senate and people, (though the laws of Rome, 
and the practice of former times, required that the Curias 
Centuriata should be convened for the election of a 
King,) he set them at defiance, by collecting a numerous 
band of mercenaries, to guard his person whenever he 
appeared in public, and to execute his cruel mandates. 
The Senators, who refused to become his slaves, were 
either driven into voluntary exile, or perished in prison; 
and their confiscated possessions fed his insatiable rapacity. 
—Nor was his conduct less oppressive to such foreign 
states as were too weak to resist, or too unsuspicious to 
guard against his tyranny. A memorable instance has 
been recorded, which, as it tends to exhibit the true cha¬ 
racter of the usurper, and the unprincipled despotism of 
liis government, deserves particular notice. The Gabii, 
a small but warlike people in the vicinity of Rome, were 
excited by many illustrious Romans who had taken 
refuge within their city, to commence hostilities against a 
tyrant, w ho had proved himself to be the common enemy 
of mankind. Unwilling to risk a battle w ith these well- 
disciplined troops, led on by exiled Roman Senators, 
Tarquin resorted to a stratagem of the most dishonour¬ 
able, but eventually the most successful kind. He in¬ 
structed his eldest son Sextus, to speak of him in public 
as a cruel tyrant, for which supposed ofFence, the youth 
was degraded, and, according to some, beaten with rods. 
Apparently indignant at this treatment, Sextus went over 
to the Gabii, by whom he was cordially welcomed as a 
valuable auxiliary. The young prince was already so 
skilful in the arts of dissimulation, as to obtain the entire 
confidence of the people, and even to be placed at the 
head of their armies. Having succeeded thus far to the 
utmost of his wishes, he dispatched a trusty messenger to 
Rome for further instructions. Tarquin, instead of send¬ 
ing back a written or verbal message, replied by taking 
the slave into his garden, and striking off the heads of the 
tallest poppies in his presence. This significant act was 
well understood by Sextus, when reported to him; and no 
time was lost in cutting off the wealthiest and most pow¬ 
erful citizens; after which it was easy to deliver up to the 
tyrant both the city and army, whose unsuspecting confi- 




32 


\ 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


denee had proved the occasion of their ruin. Such an 
instance of treachery could not fail to render the princi¬ 
pal agents, objects of universal detestation, and fully pre¬ 
pared the public mind for the tragical incidents and 
important results which will be related in the next essay. 

Dionys. Halicarn. lib. 3 et 4. Liv. Hist. lib. 1. Plin. lib, 
33—36. L. I lor. Am el. Victor. Eutrop. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Wealth is either good or evil—a blessing or a curse, 
as it is improved or abused by its possessors. If those 
whom it has pleased the Clod of Providence to endow 
with temporal possessions, have no heart to use them for 
purposes of piety and beneficence; if they serve but to 
gratify a vain or feed a covetous mind; if they be solely 
employed as instruments of pride and ambition—then it 
is certain that a greater curse cannot befal their possessors, 
than to be encumbered with such a mass of unsanctified 
wealth. It was thus that the affluence of Lucumo, or 
the elder Tarquin, however lawfully and honourably 
acquired, became an occasion of sin, and a source of 
national depravation ; since it furnished him with means 
of corrupting the Roman people, and carrying on with 
success a system of treacherous usurpation. 

The violation of a trust so sacred as that of bereaved 
orphans, under whatever pretence, is properly ranked by 
all civilized nations amongst the most heinous of crimes. 
Rarely does it escape, even in the present life, the retri¬ 
butive vengeance of heaven. The attentive and pious 
observer of the hand of God, will not fail to recognize in 
the death of the elder Tarquin, a striking example of this 
retributive vengeance, which, though long delayed and 
seeming to slumber for many years, at length awoke at 
the command of the Most High. Wicked men were, it 
is true, the instruments employed by the Sovereign of the 
Universe in the execution of vengeance—the deed, as far 
as its projectors and perpetrators were concerned, was 


ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


33 


unlawful and impious—it was deliberate murder; but yet 
the Righteous Judge of all the earth thus proclaimed the 
justice of his laws, and the equity of his government. 
The posterity of Ancus Martius were not only unjustifi¬ 
able, but exceedingly criminal in resorting to the assassin’s 
dagger for the purpose of recovering their natural and 
civil rights; for reason as well as revelation teaches, that 
we ought not to avenge ourselves by rendering evil foe 
evil, much less ought we to attempt to cut off by trea¬ 
chery a treacherous foe. But whilst the unlawfulness of 
revenge is asserted on authority which can never be con¬ 
troverted, let the equity of the divine government be 
asserted, who brings down the violent dealings of sinners 
upon their own heads. 

But may not the guardianship of youth be violated in 
other respects, not less criminal, though less cognizable 
by human laws, than that of depriving unprotected 
orphans of their lawful inheritance. If those to whom 
this charge is confided, neglect their immortal interests, 
forbear to communicate religious instruction, place them 
in circumstances of imminent danger, or introduce them 
to scenes of temptation and moral defilement—if they 
endeavour to rob them of those virtuous feelings and prin¬ 
ciples which are better than gold and silver—however 
sedulously they may watch over their temporal interests, 
and guard their worldly substance—they must be ac¬ 
counted unfaithful guardians, who have betrayed; and 
plundered those whom they were bound to protect. 

The blackest pages and most disgusting records of 
antiquity will scarcely furnish a parallel to the atrocious 
crimes of Tullia, and Tarquin the Proud. We shudder 
to behold one of that amiable and lovely sex which is for 
the most part characterized by sensibility and delicacy, 
so brutalized by sensual indulgence, and hardened by the 
deceitfulness of sin, as thus to riot in iniquity and blood. 
Yet it is probable that even this monster of iniquity, at 
the commencement of her criminal career, would have 
recoiled with horror from the hideous picture of her own 
enormities; nor would she then have conceived it possi¬ 
ble to have attained to so fatal a pre-eminence in guilt, as 
that which she afterwards acquired. How forcibly does 


$4 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

such an example teach us the progressive nature, and 
petrifying influence of sin ! How distinctly does it re¬ 
present the danger of entering upon a course of criminal 
indulgence, by shewing the fearful extremes into which 
those are likely to be hurried, who resign themselves to 
the tyranny of their unhallowed passions! Shall it be 
said that the doctrine of human depravity as revealed in 
the Holy Scriptures, is too deeply tinged, while facts like 
these are at hand to confirm their representation of the 
heart, as 6t deceitful above all things, and desperately 
wicked”—and of apostate man, as “ full of all subtlety 
and mischief—a child of the devil.” 

The dissembling policy of Tarquin, contrasted with 
the unsuspecting confidence of the Gabii, bears but too 
strong* a resemblance to the artifices of the Father of lies, 
and the dangerous security of those, who are “ led captive 
by him at his will.” How many are willingly ignorant 
of his devices ; and dreaming away their lives in a false 
but fatal presumption, suspect no danger, till destruction 
overtakes them! They listen to the syren-song of 
worldly pleasure; they pursue the gilded pageants of 
time; they amuse themselves with the phantoms of the 
moment; and in the mean time their wily adversary 
is busily employed in making strong their fetters, in 
rivetting their chains, and thus completing their ruin. 

“ Thus he supports his cruel throne, 

By mischief and deceit ; 

And drag;s the sons of Adam down 
To darkness and the pit 1” 


ESSAY Y. 

The Death o/'Lucretia. 

A. C. 506. 

From the beginning of the reign of Tarquin II 0 
(surnamed, the Proud,) symptoms of disaffection to his 




ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


35 


person and government had occasionally appeared 
amongst his oppressed subjects. But these were no 
sooner discovered than suppressed by the strong arm of 
power, or rather, the iron rod of despotism. Sometimes 
without the slightest provocation, the usurper would com¬ 
mand his mercenaries to seize and massacre the most 
illustrious of the Romans, whose popularity excited his 
jealousy, or whose wealth tempted his avarice. At other 
times, lie contrived to divert the public attention from his 
own atrocities, by the prosecution of those public works 
which his predecessors had left unfinished, and particu¬ 
larly the Capitol, of which the former Tarquin had laid 
the foundation. When these projects failed, he had 
recourse to foreign wars, both as means of enriching his 
exhausted treasury with the spoils of plundered cities, 
and of employing for the destruction of others, those 
energies which he feared would otherwise be directed 
against himself. To this combination of policy and 
terror it can alone be ascribed, that this detested tyrant 
retained possession of an usurped throne twenty-four 
years, amongst a people distinguished no less by their 
ardent love of liberty, than by their military prowess. 

But the flame which had been so long smothered, at 
length burst forth with irresistible violence. This confla- 
gration, which consumed, as in a moment, the Roman 
monarchy, was occasioned by what might at first have 
appeared but an evanescent spark. The cause and con- , 
sequences of the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome, 
and the circumstances leading to the entire subversion of 
the regal government, after having continued upwards of 
240 years, form the subjects of the present essay. 

During his war with the Rutuli, Tarquirt resolved to 
lay siege to Ardea, a small but strongly fortified city 
which was situate about sixteen miles from Rome. As 
this siege was likely to prove of long continuance, the 
Roman officers endeavoured to diminish 1 he tediousness 
of inaction by frequent entertainments. At one of these 
convivial meetings, the conversation turned upon the ex¬ 
cellence of their wives, both as it respected their beauty 
and virtue. In this commendable rivalry, each one 
claimed the preference for the object of his choice. Find- 




I 


36 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK 1. 

ing* it difficult to decide the controversy, it was deter¬ 
mined, though the evening was already advanced, to 
repair to Rome and award the palm to her, who should 
be found most virtuously and usefully employed. On 
their arrival, many of the ladies in question were found 
consuming the night in luxurious conviviality and 
fashionable dissipation ; but Lucretia, the wife of Colla- 
tinus, who was distantly related to Tarquin, was found in 
the midst of her domestics, carefully superintending their 
daily occupations. The modesty of her deportment, 
united to her personal charms, which were heightened by 
the conjugal affection that beamed from her eye at the 
unexpected presence of Collatinus, constrained universal 
admiration, and obtained from all her visitors the con¬ 
tested palm of virtuous beauty. 

But there was a Roman youth present, who contem¬ 
plated this interesting spectacle with far different emo¬ 
tions—emotions nearly resembling those, with which the 
Arch-Fiend is represented by our immortal Bard, as 
gazing at the yet uncontaminated inhabitants of paradise, 
when 

“ aside the devil turned 
For envy, yet with jealous leer malign 
Eyed them askance,” 

Sextus Tarquinius, who seems to have inherited all 
his father’s vices, was so fascinated and inflamed with the 
exquisite beauty of Lucretia, and so envious of the con¬ 
jugal felicity of Collatinus, as from that hour to form the 
deliberate purpose of gratifying his criminal passion bv 
the violation of her person. An early opportunity of 
quitting privately the camp was embraced, when Sextus 
repaired to the unprotected mansion of Collatinus, and 
was greeted by its fair inhabitant with the cordial hospi¬ 
tality, which she considered as due to a prince, the friend 
and relation of her absent lord. But her treacherous 
guest availed himself of the facilities, which conscious 
rectitude and unsuspecting innocence afforded him, to 
steal at midnight to her chamber, and with worse than 
brutal violence to perpetrate his base design. Having 
accomplished his nefarious purpose, and blasted with his 


ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 37 

withering touch one of the fairest flowers that ever 
expanded in heathen climes, the despoiler hastened back 
to his deserted tent, at which he arrived before break of 
day. 

Early in the morning Lucretia dispatched messengers 
to her father and husband, entreating their immediate 
attendance at her house. In compliance with the urgent 
summons they had received, Collatinus came from Ardea, 
bringing with him Junius Brutus, and Spurius Lucretius 
from Rome, attended by Valerius, (afterwards called 
Publicola,) and several otherfriends. They found Lucretia 
sitting in her chamber, clad in mourning attire, and ex¬ 
pressing by her countenance the most inconsolable grief. 
On inquiring into the cause of that mental anguish which 
was legibly written on her faded cheek, she related, with 
mingled tears and blushes, the sad tale of her wrongs, and 
conjured her friends, by every tender and endearing re¬ 
collection, to avenge them on the person and family of 
her brutal ravisher. No sooner had she concluded the 
sad recital, than suddenly drawing forth a dagger from 
beneath her robe, she plunged it into her bosom, and 
almost instantly expired. 

In the first moments of alarm and terror, the air was 
rent with the cries and lamentations of the afflicted rela¬ 
tives of Lucretia, but this tumult of grief quickly sub¬ 
sided, and was followed by a long interval of death-like 
silence. Mute with horror and distress too big for utter¬ 
ance, they gazed for a time in speechless agony at the 
melancholy spectacle before them, until at length they 
were aroused from this lethargy of sorrow by the conduct 
of Junius Brutus, who threw off, on this memorable occa¬ 
sion, the mask of idiocy he had long worn through fear 
of the tyrant, and assumed the dignified character of a 
devoted patriot. Grasping the weapon which was still 
sheathed in Lucretia’s corse, he drew it forth from the 
streaming wound, and holding it up in the midst of the 
assembly, solemnly vowed, “ by the immortal gods, and 
by that blood which flowed so pure, till vitiated by 
Tarquiu’s lust, that he would pursue the haughty tyrant 
of Rome, his unnatural wife, and their licentious offspring, 
with fire and sword, and every other kind of practicable 


38 STUDIES IN HISTORY. LOOK I. 

revenge, till they should be hurled from the pinnacle of 
usurped authority, and banished from a city which they 
had grievously oppressed.” 

The firm and dignified tone with which these words 
were uttered, astonished beyond measure all who heard 
them, and led them to contemplateBrutus with veneration, 
as one who had been suddenly inspired. Animated by 
his example, and yet more powerfully excited by the 
last expiring accents of Lucretia—Collatinus, Lucretius, 
P. Valerius, and all the weeping train of relatives and 
domestics, bound themselves by the same oath, to avenge 
her blood by the immediate expulsion of the Tarquins. 
A guard of youthful patriots was stationed at Collatia, to 
prevent all communication with the Roman camp, while 
Brutus and his colleagues hastened to Rome, bearing 
with them the lifeless remains of the injured Lucretia. 
They rightly judged that the public exhibition of her 
body, still weltering in its blood, would avail more than 
all the powers of rhetoric to incense the Senate and the 
people against the oppressor. They therefore marched 
in sad procession through the city to the forum, followed 
by a great multitude of patricians and plebeians, who 
were alike eager to learn the particulars of this tragical 
event. 

No sooner were they assembled, than Brutus, in a 
plain but pathetic oration, explained the cause of his 
former conduct, recapitulated the cruelties of the Tarquins, 
and concluded with a narrative of the cause and manner 
of Lucretia’s death. The effect produced by his harangue 
was equal to the most sanguine wishes of the Roman 
patriot. The assembly was wrought up to the highest 
pitch of indignation, and became impatient to enter upon 
the work of revenge. Before they separated, a decree 
proposed by Brutus was unanimously confirmed, which 
enacted ‘ the immediate abolition of royalty, the expul¬ 
sion of the Tarquins, and the appointment of two chief 
magistrates, to be elected annually, who should be called 
Consuls .’ The vote of the assembly immediately de¬ 
termined, that the husband of Lucretia, and the patriotic 
deliverer of Rome, should be the first Consuls of the 
Roman Republic. 


ESSAY V. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 3 9 

The first act of the new magistrates was to close the 
gates, and garrison the walls of the city, lest intelligence 
of the revolution having reached the camp, Tarquin, 
with his armed legions, should return from Ardea, before 
sufficient means of defence were provided. In the mean 
time, Brutus communicated the intelligence of recent 
transactions to the army, who only waited for the depar¬ 
ture of Tarquin at the head of a select band of mercenaries, 
ere they erected the standard of revolt, or rather threw off 
the fetters of tyranny. The exiled King, finding, on his 
arrival at Rome, the gates of his metropolis closed against 
him, and its walls defended by thousands of zealous 
patriots; and, on returning to the camp, that a si¬ 
milar spirit of insurrection and hostility pervaded the 
troops, had no other alternative than to seek some tem¬ 
porary place of refuge, where he might watch for a 
favourable opportunity of recovering his forfeited crown. 
He retired with Tullia and two of their children to Ccere, 
an obscure city of Etruria. 

But Sextus, whose profligacy of manners had proved 
the occasion of the revolution, and involved his whole 
family in degradation and ruin, most imprudently fled to 
Gabii, the scene of his former atrocities; where, according 
to some accounts, he was apprehended, and put to death, 
by the relatives of those whom he had formerly massacred 
or betrayed. 

Thus terminated the regal government of Rome, 
after seven kings had occupied the throne, five of whom 
are supposed to have been cut off by their own subjects. 
Yet most of these princes were wise, able, and successful, 
in their administration of public affairs. Their prema¬ 
ture end is therefore to be considered rather as indicative 
of the existing state of society, and proofs of the ferocious 
manners of the age. It is abundantly evident that, 
during the continuance of royalty, scarcely any progress 
was made by the Romans toward that civilization and 
refinement, for which the Grecian commonwealths were 
remarkable; and that they still retained much of the 
fierceness of their original character, preferring for the 
most part the perilous adventures of war, to the calm 


49 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

4 x 

pursuits of literature, or the benefits of extended com¬ 
merce. 

Dionys. Halicarn. lib. 4. c. 64—85. Lav. Hist. Lib. 1. ad fin. 
Lue. Fk)f. lib. 1. cap. 8—10. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Authority founded in usurpation and supported by 
violence cannot be permanent. Sooner or later it will 
fall with its own weight, and involve the disgrace and 
ruin of those who have tied to it for shelter. Dishonest 
policy or arbitrary power may indeed appear to succeed ; 
those who are exposed to their malignant influence may 
be constrained, for a short time, to yield a reluctant sub¬ 
mission to the cruel mandates of despotism; but they are 
weapons that cannot ultimately prosper; they will ulti¬ 
mately be found to pierce the hand that wields them, and 
the side that leans upon them for support. This must 
be obvious to all who have attentively observed the 
ordinary course of human affairs, whether in connection 
with empires and public men, or with relation to the 
private concerns of individuals. But especially is this 
practical lesson inscribed upon the history of the Tar- 
quins, whose iniquitous elevation to an usurped throne, 
was quickly followed by a sudden and calamitous re¬ 
verse, which distinctly proclaimed, u the triumphing 
of the wicked is short.” 

What a train of important consequences followed the 
apparently fortuitous conversation of the Roman officers 
in the camp at Ardea. Trifling as that incident might 
appear at the moment, it was fraught with the future des¬ 
tinies of Rome and of the world. Credulous infidelity 
may overlook the Sovereign of the Universe in all these 
events, and ascribe this whole train of causes and effects 
to mere accident; but Piety will ever confess with devout 
adoration, that He who seeth the end from the beginning, 
who causeth even the wrath of man to praise him, and is 



ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


41 


able to bring good out of evil ,—He it is who u workefh 
all these things after the counsel of his own will.” u He 
is wonderful in counsel, and excellent in working.” 

What could be expected to result from the criminal 
alliance of Tarquin and Tuilia, but such a poisonous 
death-dispensing plant as Sextus proved himself to be ? 
W hat but such a combination of treachery and sensuality, 
dissimulation and cruelty, as formed his character, could 
be anticipated from the principles of his education, the 
vicious example of his parents, and the scenes of violence 
and oppression with which he had been familiar from his 
childhood ? Scarcely can we wonder that this profligate 
youth should, in future life, derive his chief gratification 
from sensual indulgences and criminal pleasures ; that he 
should be alike insensible to all the charms of modest 
beauty and all the chaste endearments of virtuous love; 
that he should delight alone in marring the happiness of 
which he could not taste, and triumphing by brutal 
violence over the innocence, which he was unable by all 
Lis artifices to corrupt. Would to God that such flagrant 
vices had ever sheltered themselves amidst the lurid 
gloom of Superstition—but alas! how often have they 
stalked abroad with unblushing countenance in the hal¬ 
lowed precincts of the Christian temple, and amidst the 
noon-day blaze of Revelation ! How often have the 
children of Christian parents, who were blest with the 
instructions, the prayers, and the example of ancestors 
eminent for piety and holiness, grown up the slaves of 
passion, emulating the vices, and, if it were possible, 
even exceeding the crimes of Sextus Tarquinius. Surely 
it will be more tolerable for the Tarquins and Tullias of 
antiquity, (conspicuous as they rendered themselves by 
their profligacy, even in a degenerate age,) in the day of 
vengeance, than for those w ho having u known the way 
of righteousness, turn from the holy commandment de¬ 
livered to them.” 

Who can refuse a tear to the memory of the lovely 
but unfortunate Lucretia ? Is there a breast so cold, a 
heart so destitute of feeling, as to be indifferent to the 
tender anguish of a mind thus delicately chaste, whose 
moral susceptibility recoiled with horror and disgust 



42 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK T. 


from the touch even of involuntary defilement ? But let 
us beware, lest our admiration of her virtuous qualities, 
our sympathy in her sufferings, and our indignation at 
her wrongs, should render us indifferent to those anti- 
christian sentiments of revenge, which she felt and ex¬ 
pressed in her last momenfs, and that false heroism which 
prompted her to the sin of suicide. Justice however 
requires us to add, that both revenge and suicide were 
not only tolerated, but applauded by heathen moralists, 
who, in this, as well as in many other instances, called 
“ good, evil; and evil, good.” But, whatever may 
have been the sentiments of the most enlightened Pagans 
on this subject, Christian if y condemns both these prac¬ 
tices : it teaches us not to curse, but to bless and pray for 
our worst enemies; and it demonstrates that the rash 
mortal, who, whether prompted by false notions of 
honour, or impelled by the phrenzy of despair, rushes 
unsummoned into the presence of his Judge, is a mur¬ 
derer, whose blood calls for vengeance, and whose guilt 
shall not go unpunished. 


ESSAY VI. 

On Junius Brutus and Valerius Publicola, 
Brutus died , A. C. 506. Publicola, 501, 

The patriotic Romans, whose names are prefixed to 
the present essay, were unquestionably the most illus¬ 
trious men of their times. They possessed indeed dif¬ 
ferent, and in some respects, opposite qualities; yet 
they were most zealously attached to one grand object; 
they laboured strenuously in one common cause ;—they 
devoted all their energies both of body and mind to one 
arduous undertaking. To obtain and preserve the liber¬ 
ties of Rome, was the object which lay nearest to their 
hearts, though pursued in different ways. The patriotism 
oi Brutus was austere and inflexible, uniformly charao 






ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 43 

* i 

terized by that stern and stoical firmness, which has been 
dignified with the name of Roman virtue; but that of 
\ alerius was mild and conciliatory, ever ready to sacri¬ 
fice private to public good, from motives of benevolence, 
as well as of justice. The former inspired veneration— 
the latter, affection. Both these distinguished patriots 
acted a conspicuous part in the revolution that followed 
the death of Lucretia; and indeed all the transactions 
of their lives are so completely identified with the origin 
and progress of the Roman republic, that a-memoir 
of the former, must include a history of the latter. 
On this account it will not be considered foreign to 
the professed design of this work, to collect, from va¬ 
rious sources, the principal facts which have been pre¬ 
served by tradition, or recorded in authentic history, 
relative to the private and public life of these dis¬ 
tinguished individuals. 

Junius Brutus was the son of M. Junius, a senator 
of high distinction and ample possessions, who is said to 
have descended in a direct line from one of the Trojan 
exiles. The wealth, the talents, the popularity of this 
venerable Patrician, and, above all, his alliance by mar¬ 
riage to the eider Tarquin, conspired to render him an 
object of jealousy and hatred to the degenerate son and 
successor of that prince, the commencement of whose 
sanguinary reign was rendered infamous by the assassina¬ 
tion of Junius and his elder son, and the seizure of their 
ancient family inheritance. Junius Brutus, the younger 
and only remaining branch of the family, was spared, not 
from compassion, (lor to that sentiment, the tyrant was a 
stranger,) but because of his extreme youth and apparent 
fatuity. So successful was Brutus in counterfeiting 
idiocy, and so little was the artifice suspected, that he 
was received into the palace, and brought up amongst 
the children of the usurper, for their amusement. An¬ 
cient tradition has preserved a characteristic anecdote 
relative to this period of his life, which tends to evince 
the penetrative genius, that lay concealed beneath this 
garb of supposed intellectual weakness. When, on a 
certain occasion, the city was ravaged by a mortal dis¬ 
ease, Tarquin sent Aruns and Titus, two of his younger 




44 STUDIES IN HISTORY. ' BOOK 1 . 

sons, to consult the Delphic oracle on the most effectual 
means of appeasing the wrath ot Apollo. Brutus accom¬ 
panied them, and, when the young princes offered, their 
costly gifts, presented what appeared to be an oaken 
staff, but was in reality a golden rod cased over with 
wood. Ambition prompted the sons ot Tarquin to in¬ 
quire before they left Delphos, u which ot them should 
reign in Rome.” The reply was, “ he that on returning 
home shall first salute his mother.” The princes inter¬ 
preted this response of the oracle literally, but Brutus 
figuratively, and therefore, on reaching the Italian coast, 
he fell, as by accident, and saluted his mother Earth. 
Such was the dissembling part which Brutus continued 
to act for many years, carefully concealing within his 
breast the indignation he felt at" his private wrongs, and 
the calamities of his country. At length the favourable 
moment arrived, when prudence permitted him to un¬ 
mask and present himself to his fellow-citizens in the 
character of an avenger of injured innocence, and the 
deliverer of an oppressed people. 

It has been already stated, that the important charge 
of organizing and governing the new Republic, was con¬ 
fided to Brutus and Collalinus. In pursuance of this 
object, the Consuls called an assembly of the people, and 
with the usual sacrifices and lustrations, both took and ad¬ 
ministered a civic oath, by which they bound themselves 
and their fellow-citizens, not only to exclude Tarquin 
and his family for ever, but also to suffer no king to 
reign in Rome. After some regulations of minor im- 
portance were adopted, the assembly broke up in perfect 
harmony. But it soon appeared that this unanimity 
was rather apparent than real, and that the royal exile 
had still a considerable party within the city. This 
party was chiefly composed of young men of distinction, 
who were pleased with the luxuries and voluptuousness 
of the court of Tarquin, and had been formed to dissolute 
habits by the society and example of his profligate chil¬ 
dren. Ambassadors were sent from Etruria to Rome, 
ostensibly to solicit the restitution of Tarquin’s effects, 
but in reality to ascertain the numbers and confirm the 
hopes of the mal-contents. The Senate decreed, in op- 












ESSAY VI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


43 


position to the judgment of Brutus, who remonstrated 
against the measure, and in compliance with that of his 
more amiable colleague, ‘ that Tarquin’s effects should 
be sold, and their value remitted to him by the Etrus¬ 
can ambassadors.’ Under pretence of superintending 
the disposal of these effects, the emissaries of Tarquin 
prolonged their stay from month to month, during which 
period they held frequent meetings, and carried on a 
secret correspondence with the conspirators. But not¬ 
withstanding all the precautionary measures adopted by 
the disaffected party to conceal the place, time, and 
object of their meeting, they were at length detected by 
Vindicius, a slave belonging to the Aquilii, at whose 
house the conspirators assembled. When Vindicius dis¬ 
covered that amongst the mal-contents, were the two 
sons of Brutus, and several nephews of Collatinus, he 
feared to disclose the secret to the Consuls, lest natural 
affection should induce them to connive at the treasonable 
practices of their relatives. lie therefore resolved to 
make the important discovery to Valerius, whose house 
was ever open to the poorest of his fellow-citizens, and 
by whom the most prompt and decided measures were 
taken to secure the traitors, and seize upon their pa¬ 
pers. These documents were found abundantly to 
confirm the evidence of Vindicius, and substantiate the 
guilt of the prisoners. 

Early in the morning a general assembly was con¬ 
vened ; the Consuls ascended t he tribunal of justice: the 
prisoners were brought before them in chains; and Titus 
and Tiberius, the sons of Brutus, were first arraigned. 
After Vindicius had been publicly examined, and the 
treasonable letters which had been intercepted were read, 
these youths were thrice called upon by Brutus for 
their defence, but they replied only with their tears. 
The whole assembly melted at the sight ; some of the 
Senators indistinctly murmured, u Banish them;” Colla¬ 
tinus wept aloud; and Valerius, though silent, seemed by 
his supplicatory looks to plead for the deluded youths. 
But Brutus remained inflexible. With a firm and dig¬ 
nified tone he commanded the lictors to perform their 
office, and be himself looked on with an unmoved coun- 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


46 


tenance, ’while the criminals, according to the Roman 
custom, were stripped,scourged with rods, and beheaded. 
Having calmly witnessed this bloody spectacle, he re¬ 
tired from the hall of justice, leaving it to his colleague 
to try the rest of the prisoners. 

Collatinus had too tender and susceptible a heart to 
imitate the rigorous example which had been set him. 
He was easily induced by the entreaties of his nephews, 
and the intercessions of bis sister, who pleaded with all 
a mother’s earnestness for her traitorous offspring, to sus¬ 
pend the sentence, and afford them time to prepare their 
defence. This lenity, which appeared to Brutus impo¬ 
litic and dangerous to the liberties of Rome, so com¬ 
pletely alienated that stern patriot from his more amiable 
colleague, that the lalter deemed it prudent to abdicate 
the consulship, and retire into voluntary exile. 

P. Valerius succeeded him in the consulate, who con¬ 
curred with Brufusjn the harsh but prudential measures 
of executing all the remaining conspirators, sending 
home the Etruscan ambassadors in disgrace, and revers¬ 
ing the decree which had been passed in favour of the 
Tarquins. Frantic with rage and disappointment, the 
dethroned tyrant stirred up the states of Etruria to 
espouse his cause, and entrust him with a numerous army. 
As soon as he invaded the Roman frontiers, the Consuls 
collected all the military forces of the republic, and 
marched to grapple with this furious adversary. Both 
parties were eager for the contest, the one prompted by 
ambition, and a desire of revenge; the other determined 
to maintain at any price, their newly-acquired liberties. 
Early in the engagement Brutus, and A runs the son of 
Tarquin, met, and rushed on each oilier with such fury, 
that both fell from their horses at the same moment, 
pierced to the heart by each other’s spears. But not¬ 
withstanding the loss of one of their generals, and the 
desperate valour of the invading army, the Romans, led 
on by Valerius, renewed the charge, and at length ob¬ 
tained a decided victory. The surviving Consul was 
honoured with a splendid triumph, and the departed 
hero with a pompous funeral. On this occasion, Vale¬ 
rius delivered an eloquent oration, in which he eulogized 












ESSAY VI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


47 


the talents and virtues of his lamented colleague, pro¬ 
nouncing him “ the second founder of Rome, who had 
encountered much greater dangers and hardships in 
restoring and preserving its fallen liberties, than Romulus, 
in laying its first foundations.” This seems to have been 
the most ancient example of a practice which afterwards 
became general both in Greece and Rome, and was 
found to have no inconsiderable influence upon the 
public mind. Amongst other honours paid to the me¬ 
mory of Brutus, the Roman matrons expressed their 
veneration and gratitude by mourning for him twelve 
months. 

As Valerius was left by the death of Brutus the sole 
magistrate of Rome, and did not immediately summon 
the comitia for the election of a new Consul, the people 
became suspicious of him, and listened to the insinuations 
of his adversaries, who accused him of aiming at the sub¬ 
version of the republic. They were confirmed in these 
suspicions by his having lately erected a superb mansion 
upon an eminence which commanded the forum, and 
which their jealous fears converted into a fortress built 
for the re-estabiishment of tyranny. But no sooner was 
the Consul informed of these prejudices, than he .adopted 
the most effectual means of removing the jealousies of his 
fellow-citizens, and inspiring them with an "unlimited con¬ 
fidence in his government. He caused his splendid resi¬ 
dence, which had been erected at a great expence, and 
was so situated as to be highly ornamental to the city, 
to be rased to the ground. He enacted several laws 
tending to abridge the power of the Consul, and increase 
that of the people; and concluded with convening a 
general assembly tor the election of a new Consul. The 
choice fell upon Sp. Lucretius, who did not long sur¬ 
vive his election, and was succeeded by Horatius Pul- 
villus. The public measures of Valerius were so grate¬ 
ful to the people, that he was chosen to the consulate 
three years successively, and obtained by common con¬ 
sent the name of Publicola^ or u Friend of the People.” 
In his third consulship, the Roman territories were again 
invaded at the instigation ofTarquin, by Porsena, king 
of the Clusians. This invasion is rendered memorable 




48 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK f. 

by several incidents which tend to shew the national 
character, as well as personal intrepidity of the Romans. 
In one of the engagements with Porsena which took 
place under the walls of Rome, when the Roman army 
•was completely routed, and fled precipitately into 
the city, the pursuing enemy was checked by a Roman 
soldier, named Horatius Codes; who, planting him¬ 
self in the narrow pass leading to the bridge, de¬ 
fended it against a host of enemies, till the bridge 
was broken down in his rear, and then plunging into 
the Tiber, swam safely amidst showers of darts to the 
opposite bank. His valour and patriotism were signally 
rewarded by private donations and public honours. 

Soon after this incredible exploit, another Roman 
soldier, named Mucius Cordus Scaevola, having obtained 
leave to quit the camp on a secret enterprise of great 
importance, by means of an Etruscan disguise, pene¬ 
trated to the tent of Porsena, and stabbed an officer of 
state, whom he mistook for the king. Being seized by 
the guards before he could effect his escape, he was 
brought before Porsena, who interrogated and threatened 
him with the severest tortures. Scaevola firmly replied 
to the king’s inquiries, u that he was a Roman who 
came thither to deliver his country from her worst foe; 
but, having failed in his object, he was now prepared to 
suffer all that that enemy could inflict.” Whilst uttering 
these words, he thrust his right hand into a flame which 
was burning upon an adjacent altar, to prove that he was 
fearless of danger, and superior to the most excruciating 
pains. Porsena, astonished at his intrepidity, not only 
dismissed him honourably, but seemed from that moment 
to entertain a generous esteem for his adversaries. An 
act of treachery which Tarquin committed soon after¬ 
wards, in violently seizing upon some unprotected Roman 
females, who were sent as hostages to the camp of Por¬ 
sena, so disgusted and offended that prince, as to induce 
him to desert the cause of the exiled tyrant, and enter 
into alliance with the Romans. This amiable monarch 
displayed his generosity by leaving behind him all the 
provisions of his camp for the supply of the famished 
inhabitants of Rome; and they, in their turn, evinced 











ESSAY YI. THE HISTORY OF HOME, 49 

their gratitude and esteem, by presenting their new ally 
with an ivory throne, a golden crown and sceptre, and a 
triumphal robe, besides erecting his statue in the most 
public place of resort. 

Soon after this treaty of peace was concluded, Pub* 
licola entered upon his fourth consulate, but did not live 
to complete it. After having triumphed a second time, 
on account of his victories over the Fidenates and cap¬ 
ture of their city, he died highly honoured and univer¬ 
sally lamented. Though he had been so successful in 
war, as frequently to have collected great spoil, and had 
held the highest offices in the Republic, so far from 
having enriched either himself or his family, he was 
found so poor at his death, that his remaining property 
would not defray the charges of his funeral; and there¬ 
fore from necessity, as well as in honour to his memory ? 
he was interred at the public expence. 

“ He was lamented,” says his celebrated biographer, 
“ not only by friends and relations, but by the whole city. 
Thousands attended his funeral with tears of unfeigned 
regret, and exhibited signs of the deepest sorrow. The 
Roman matrons especially, mourned for him as for the 
loss of a son, a brother, or a common parent.” 

r>ioiiys. IIalio. lib. 5. Liv. Hist. lib. 2. Pint, in vit. Publico!. 


REFLECTIONS. 

As we have- been contemplating a character, whose 
history furnishes the earliest example of that austere 
morality, which has been denominated Roman , (on 
account of its having been admired and practised by 
many distinguished leaders of that Republic,) it becomes 
necessary to analyze this boasted virtue, and endeavour 
to estimate its vaiue by Christian principles. 

It is readily admitted, that as far as the conduct of 
Brutus, or any other of these models of Roman virtue, 
evinced that strength of mind and decision of character, 
which qualified their possessors for great sacrifices and 

D 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


50 


heroic deeds—-which elevated the claims of justice and 
virtue above the susceptibilities and sympathies of nature 
—and which demonstrates a high tone of moral feeling—■ 
it was highly commendable. But as far as it exhibited 
a proud and stoical insensibility of mind—a worse than 
brutal apathy—it cannot be too severely condemned. Is 
there any thing in the volume of Revelation that sanc¬ 
tions this prostration of private feeling, this sacrifice 
of natural affection, this total annihilation of the tenderest 
sympathies of the human heart—those sympathies which 
have been implanted there by the Great Author of 
our Being for the most benevolent purposes, and which 
are found to produce the happiest moral effects? Does 
the Gospel of Christ require us to restrain the emotions 
of pity, tenderness, and mercy towards our offending- 
fellow-creatures ? Does it represent the exercise of the 
milder graces, such as love, meekness, forbearance, and 
benignity, as incompatible with that regard to justice 
and integrity, or that detestation of vice, which we 
are commanded to cherish ? Does that divine Word 
which teaches us to do justly, forbid us to love mercy ? 
If not, why should that cold and severe morality, which 
demanded and applauded these painful sacrifices, be 
eulogized by professed Christians, as nearly approaching 
to perfection ? 

But perhaps if we examine more closely this quality, 
falsely called virtue, we shall find that it originated 
in pride, and was fostered by that very selfishness, which 
it appeared to renounce. Is it uncharitable to affirm, 
that there was probably no moment in the life of Brutus 
in which he was more elated with a proud conscious¬ 
ness of superiority to ordinary men, than that in which 
lie triumphed so completely over his parental feelings, as 
calmly to contemplate the dying agonies of his two 
sons ? Then it was that lie applauded his own heroism, 
in rising above those weak and feminine emotions, which 
parents usually feel, and fancied himself placed on the 
loftiest pinnacle of Fame. Till therefore pride and self¬ 
ishness, vain-glory and hardness of heart, become virtues, 
this unlovely quality, which was but a wretched com¬ 
pound of them all, ought not to be so denominated. 











ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 51 

Patriotism and public justice, virtues for which 
Brutus has been most celebrated, will ever be found to 
flourish most in a Christian soil. For assuredly nothing 
tends more to inspire an ardent love of our country, and 
to call forth the most vigorous efforts in its defence, than 
undissembled piety. Nor can any thing furnish so 
powerful motives to execute judgment and justice, and 
to maintain truth and uprightness, as those which may be 
drawn from the Holy Scriptures. But they do not 
accomplish this, by transforming men into monsters: 
in effecting these objects, the sympathies of our nature 
are not destroyed, but on the contrary, quickened, ele¬ 
vated and refined. Let it be remembered that the same 
authority, which commands us to u deny ourselves,” to 
“ crucify the flesh with its affections and lusts;” to “ cut 
off a right hand, or pluck out a right eye, if they be 
evil and, if necessary, to “ forsake father or mother, 
sis'er or brother, for Christ’s sake, and the Gospel’s,”— 
requires also that we “ weep with those that weep, and 
rejoice with them that do rejoice”—that we be kind one 
to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one another, even 
as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven us—and finally, 
exhorts us to ask of God that wisdom which is “ pure, 
peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy 
and good fruits.” 

Brutus was highly honoured and almost idolized* by 
his countrymen, on account of his generous exertions in 
behalf of an oppressed people—-and shall not much 
rather the Saviour of mankind, the Redeemer of a perish¬ 
ing world, be venerated and adored 

“ In every laud, by every tongue." 

For the Roman patriot was prompted partly by the 
desire of revenge, and partly by the hope of fame; in. 
rescuing others from the grasp of a cruel tyrant, he 
effected at the same time his own deliverance; and, after 
ail, the boon which he procured for his country, was of 
comparatively short duration, and held on a most pre¬ 
carious tenure. But the Son of God was prompted 
alone by pure, disinterested love, when he made his soul 
an offering for sin, 'As hp is u over all God blessed for 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


KOOK I 


52 


ever,” it could not be necessary that he should work out 
redemption for himself; but it was for apostate creatures 
—guilty rebels—inveterate foes, lie devoted himself to 
death, “ even the death of the cross.” The precious 
boon he purchased with his blood was eternal life, to as 
many as believe on his name, “ an inheritance incorrup¬ 
tible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away.” What 
blessing and honour and glory and power are due 
to Him, who was slain, and redeemed us to God by 
his blood, a out of every kindred and tongue and 
people and nation!” 

The inflexible justice of the Roman Father in not 
■sparing the lives of his traitorous children when forfeited 
by their crimes; and the honour done by him to the 
Roman law, which had been just enacted, and whose 
severest penalty they had incurred, may also serve to 
remind us of the mingled u severity” and grace of 
the Eternal Father, who spared not his own Son, 
but delivered him up for us all; though that Son was 
his equal—his well-beloved Son; and though he was 
u holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners.” 
By doing this lie has displayed both his justice and 
grace; he has “ magnified his law, and made it 
honourable.” 

What costly sacrifices did Publicola make to obtain 
the favour of a fickle, capricious multitude! Shall 
not we much rather be willing to sacrifice our ease, our 
pleasures, our substance, our friends, yea, and our lives 
also, if conscience and duty demand them, that we 
may enjoy the perpetual favour and unchanging love of 
God ? Ought it not to cover us with shame, that the 
mere love of popularity should have been frequently 
found to produce greater acts of self-denial and voluntary 
abasement, than we are willing to perform from love 
to God and regard to his authority? Nor must we omit 
to remark, that the conduct of Porsena towards his 
Roman adversaries affords an example of forbearance 
and generosity to enemies, which is worthy of imitation. 
It afforded a practical illustration of the divine precept, 
which has commanded, <{ if thine enemy hunger, feed 
him; if he thirst, give him drink; for in so doing thou 













ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


rr on 
yj 


sbalt heap coals of fire upon Iiis head. ,Hc not over- 
come of evil, but overcome evil with good.’* 


ESSAY VII. 


On the circumstances which led to the appointment of a 
Dictator and Tribunes of the People * 

First Dictator created , A. C. 49(3. 

First Tribunes .A. C. 492. 

Scarcely had the public lamentations for Valerius 
ceased, when fierce contentions arose between the Patri¬ 
cians and Plebeians, which threatened the very existence 
of the Republic. As these disputes continued to rage 
with a greater or less degree of violence, for several cen¬ 
turies, and w'ere productive of the most important changes 
in the commonwealth, it is requisite to inquire into their 
nature, and endeavour to trace them to their source. In 
proportion as the authority of the Senate became firmly 
established, the Patricians displayed an ambitious, 
haughty, and oppressive disposition. Elated with the 
influence they had acquired in the state by reserving to 
themselves all civil and military dignities, and greatly 
enriched by the spoils of war, they cherished the spirit 
of Tyranny, under the hallowed names of Patriotism and 
Liberty, and treated with the utmost rigour their necessi¬ 
tous fellow-citizens. For the same wars which had aug¬ 
mented the wealth of the patricians, had reduced to 
penury and distress multitudes of the plebeians, by sus¬ 
pending those agricultural pursuits, on which they de¬ 
pended for their subsistence. Their urgent necessities 
had obliged almost the whole mass of the Roman corn-, 
monalty to contract debts with their opulent patrons; 
and, by the laws of Rome at that time, debtors were 
placed almost entirely at the mercy of their creditors.. 
They were whipped, tortured^ imprisoned, or even 




54 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK J. 


reduced to the condition of slaves, according to the will 
of their new sovereigns. Thus Rome became divided 
into two parties, with totally opposite feelings and in¬ 
terests—the one, an opulent, and consequently powerful 
aristocracy, by whom all the ollices, honours, and wealth 
of the republic were monopolized—the other, a depen¬ 
dent, because necessitous commonalty, who were sunk info 
the contrary extreme of want and misery, yet extremely 
jealous of their liberties, and conscious of the command¬ 
ing influence they possessed in the state, whenever 
they chose to exert it. It was easy to perceive that, 
in such a state of society, tranquillity could not long 
be preserved; and not a few of the more popular Se¬ 
nators, who Jiacl frequently remonstrated against such 
arbitrary measures, justly apprehended a speedy and 
general revolt. 

It soon became evident that these apprehensions were 
but too well founded. An occasion presented itself, 
which was eagerly seized by the disaffected plebeians, both 
of uttering their complaints, and urging their claims. 
Towards the end of the consulate of T. Largius and 
Q. Cioeiius, the deposed King of Rome, encouraged by 
the intelligence lie had received of the existing differences 
between the Senate and people, renewed his efforts to 
regain the crown. He formed a powerful confederacy, 
consisting of thirty Latin cities, besides the Hernici and 
Volsci, whom lie prevailed upon to invade the territories 
of Koine. This formidable league alarmed the Consuls 
so much the more, as it was unexpected, and as they felt 
1i e nsclves ill prepared for defence. They called upon 
t! e centuries immediately to enrol themselves, and take 
lie customary oaths; but they refused with one accord 
to take up arms, alledging, that u it became those who 
enjoyed all the honours and benefits of the commonwealth 
to defend it, but, for themselves, they would no longer 
serve such cruel masters.” Threats and remonstrances, 
entreaties and promises were alike fruitless; the people 
obstinately persisted in their refusal to obey the consular 
edict. Concessions served only to augment the violence, 
and heighten the demands of the mutinous plebeians ; 
who now insisted oil the immediate abolition of all debts, 














I 


ESSAY VII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 55 

« 

and the repeal of all the obnoxious statutes, upon which 
their principal grievances were founded. Some of the 
Senators contended strenuously tor an immediate com¬ 
pliance witli these proposals, but the majority followed 
the opinion of Appius Claudius, an haughty and ambi¬ 
tious patrician, who advised to reject the claims, and 
chastise the insolence of the insurgents. 

The exigency of the times called for some extraor¬ 
dinary expedient, and such was the expedient adopted 
on this occasion, it was resolved to entrust all the 
concerns of the Republic for six months to one supreme 
magistrate; who should be possessed of absolute power, 
w! lose authority should supersede that of the Consuls 
and of the Senate, and who should be responsible to no 
one, either during the administration, or after the fulfil¬ 
ment of iiis office. This magistrate, who was called a 
Dictator , was nominated by the elder of the Consuls at 
midnight; he was attended on all occasions by twenty- 
four lictors, armed with fasces; and was authorized to 
inflict summary punishment on every offender. Strange 
as it may appear, no sooner was this decree of the Senate 
proposed to an assembly of the people for their assent, 
than they acceded to it; and as soon as T. Largius, one 
of the Consuls for that year, was ‘nominated the first 
Dictator, all classes of the citizens flocked to his standard. 
This magistrate soon found himself at the head of 150,000 
warriors, whom he divided into four armies; one of 
which lie commanded in person ; the second was en¬ 
trusted to Sp. Cassius, whom he had previously ap¬ 
pointed General of the Horse; the third, to his late 
consular colleague, Q. Clcelius; and the fourth was 
stationed in the city for its defence, and placed under 
the command of his brother. These formidable prepa¬ 
rations so terrified the Latins, that they proposed an 
immediate suspension of hostilities, and hastily returned 
home, to make preparations for a more vigorous assault, 
which they meditated early in the following year. 

Agreeably to this intention, they entered the Roman 
territories with augmented forces, and a tremendous 
battle was fought near the lake Regillus, which ended in 
the total overthrow of the invading army, fifty thousand 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK J. 


bG 


of whom are said to have perished. Three sons ot 
Tarquin, after having performed prodigies of valour, 
were found amongst the slain. This was the last de¬ 
spairing struggle of that ambitious prince; for on re¬ 
ceiving intelligence of the disastrous issue of this battle, 
he retired to Campania, where he died in the 90th year 
of his age. 

The death of Tarquin, and consequent termination 
of the war, removed the fears of the patricians, and 
encouraged them to renew their former cruelties.— 
Regardless of the promises they had made in the moment 
of alarm, they now adopted more arbitrary measures, 
and recommenced prosecutions for debt, imprisonments, 
and every species of torture, with greater severity. They 
were instigated to these violent proceedings by Appius 
Claudius, who was now elected Consul, as the senator 
whose inflexible temper was best fitted to contend with a 
disaffected populace, and reduce them to subjection. 
Rut lest the impetuosity of his character should lead him 
to dangerous extremes, they prudently associated with 
him in the consulship, P. Servilius, a senator of mild 
and amiable manners, who was greatly beloved by the 
people. His influence was so great, as not only to restrain 
for a time the violence of popular feeling, but even to 
prevail upon them once more to enlist, and follow his 
standard, when he went to repulse the Volsci, who had 
suddenly made an irruption into the Roman territories. 
Soon after the army had returned, laden with the spoils 
of victory, an apparently trilling incident caused the 
secret discontents of the people to break out into open 
revolt. An aged Roman soldier, who had once pos¬ 
sessed considerable property, but had lost the whole, and 
become impoverished by the calamities of war,—whose 
valour had been often tried in the field, and frequently 
excited admiration,—was observed on a certain day to 
enter the forum, bending under the weight of his chains, 
in tattered garments, his back lacerated and bleeding 
with the recent scourge—the only rewards received in 
return for the eminent services he had rendered to his 
country. His very appearance awakened the sympathies 
of the assembly, many of whom were well acquainted 














ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OP ROME. 


57* 


with his military prowess; but much more were they 
excited to compassion, when he related the affecting 1 nar¬ 
rative of his sufferings, and the unparalleled cruelty of 
his creditors. Scarcely had he concluded his pathetic 
appeal to the sympathies of his fellow-citizens, ere the 
infuriated multitude rushed out of the forum, uttering 
execrations against the whole body of patricians, and 
especially resolved to make Appius Claudius the first 
victim of their revenge. 

Tidings of the intention of the populace reached 
Appius in sufficient time to enable him to effect his 
escape. But Servilius, relying upon his popularity, 
threw off his consular robe, and laying aside the insignia 
of office, ran into the midst of the crowd. He used 
every form of entreaty and persuasion to induce his 
fellow-citizens to refrain from violence, promising that 
their demands should be fully satisfied, and thus at 
length succeeded in restoring tranquillity. The public 
attention was for a short time diverted from these in¬ 
testine broils, by a second and more formidable irruption 
of the Volsci, .who were met and defeated with great 
loss by the Romans under Servilius. Yet though the 
victory was complete, Appius Claudius prevailed upon 
the Senate to refuse his colleague, the customary honours 
of a triumph; an honour which he afterwards obtained, 
in defiance of the Senate,.by appealing to an assembly of 
the people. 

In the following year, M. Valerius, brother to Publi- 
cola, was appointed Dictator, for the purpose of con¬ 
ducting hostilities against the Sabines and Volsci, who 
had again declared war. The popularity of the Valerian 
family rendered it not difficult for the Dictator to raise 
a numerous army, notwithstanding the disaffection of the 
people to their rulers. Convinced that the lower orders 
of the people were grievously oppressed, he pledged 
himself to redress their wrongs; but finding it imprac¬ 
ticable to redeem his pledge, he resigned his office before 
the usual term had expired, and whilst the Roman legions 
were yet in the field. Thus deserted by a magistrate, 
to whom they had looked up with confidence, and de¬ 
ceived in their expectations of speedy redress, the soldiers 


'58 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I, 


determined to retire to a place called the Sacred 
Mount , about three miles distant from Rome, where 
they formed an intrenched camp. They were quickly 
joined by multitudes of slaves and seditious plebeians 
trom the city, which was soon almost deserted by all 
who were not of patrician rank. Y et though Rome 
was thus unprotected, her armed citizens were too deeply 
impressed with the sacred obligation of their military 
oath, and too warmly attached to their country, to think 
of turning their arms against the Senators and Patricians. 
They were satisfied with seceding, till their claims should 
be granted, and their future liberties secured. In order 
that their proceedings might be under some regulation, 
they chose two leaders, of a bold and decided character, 
and eloquent address, named Sicinius Bellutus , and 
Junius , the latter of w hom assumed the name of Brutus, 
though he was of a different family. 

This revolt, as it necessariiy led to a total suspension 
of all agricultural and commercial occupations, became 
daily more alarming in its consequences. Firm as were 
the patricians, they were at length compelled to propose 
terms of accommodation. Repeated deputations were 
sent to the seceders, and the fairest promises made, on 
condition of their return to their allegiance. In one of 
these embassies, Menenius Agrippa pronounced his cele¬ 
brated fable of the rebellion of the members of the human 
body against the stomach, which produced so powerful 
*an effect, that the mutineers would have immediately 
returned to Rome, but for their leaders, who warned 
them against unconditionally surrendering themselves to 
their oppressors. They therefore required not only that 
an edict of the Senate should abolish all debts, and 
liberate those who had been imprisoned or enslaved on 
this account, but also that they should assent to the 
appointment of a new order of magistrates annually 
chosen from amongst the plebeians, whose exclusive office 
it should be, to w^atch the proceedings of the Senate, and 
disannul by their simple veto all those decrees, which 
they considered arbitrary or unjust. These magistrates 
were to be called Tribunes of the People; a law was 
passed, rendering the persons of the Tribunes sacred. 

















THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


ESSAY VII. 


59 


and constituting it a capital offence to use any violence 
towards them. 

The Senate reluctantly yielded to these proposals, 
and Tribunes were immediately chosen. Sicinius and 
Junius were first elected, but the number was soon 
increased to five, and afterwards to ten, at which it 
remained stationary. After these negotiations were con¬ 
cluded, the soldiers and citizens returned to Rome; but 
in order to preserve the memory of their secession , and 
of the advantages resulting from it to distant ages, it was 
determined to consecrate the Sacred Mount , and erect 
upon it a temple, dedicated to Jupiter the Terrible . 

Dionys. Antiq. Rom. lib. 5 et 6. Liv. Hist. Rom. lib. 2 ct 3. 


REFLECTIONS. 


ft is not necessary to appeal to ancient records for 
proof that the rapid accumulation of wealth, or the 
sudden acquisition of power, usually tends to indurate 
the mind. How frequently has it been observed that 
those who were comparatively kind, benevolent, and 
even liberal, when in circumstances of mediocrity, are 
no sooner possessed of great wealth than their hearts 
become hardened, and their habits churlish ? How often 
have those, who, in common life, w'ere amiable, respect¬ 
able, and useful, when suddenly elevated to rank and 
power, become tyrannical and imperious, the pests and 
curses of society ? Such indeed is the weakness of the 
human mind, that it is as little capable of bearing these 
sudden transitions in outward circumstances, without 
serious injury, as the human body is incapable of passing 
at once from the extremes of cold and heat, famine and 
abundance. It can therefore excite no surprise, that 
the Roman patricians, when freed from the salutary 
restraint of a temperate monarchy, or emancipated from 
the yoke of a cruel tyrant, and suddenly invested with 
supreme authority, should be so intoxicated with the 
inebriating draught of power, as to be transformed from. 



CO STUDIES IN HISTORY. ROOK I. 

the respected Fathers of the people to their tyrannical 
oppressors. 

It has been wisely ordained by the Sovereign of the 
Universe, that a difference of rank and station should 
exist amongst mankind in all ages and countries. The 
division of society into higher and subordinate classes is 
doubtless intended to afford, botli to rich and poor, an 
opportunity of exercising those social virtues, and dis¬ 
charging those reciprocal duties, which could not other¬ 
wise be reduced to action. So long as these distinctions 
remain, the opulent will not be exempt from obligations 
to beneficence, liberality, sympathy, and condescension ; 
nor will the indigent be freed from the duty of exhibiting 
a grateful temper, respectful deportment, and submissive 
conduct towards their superiors. But this appointment 
of Providence forms no excuse for human injustice. 
Because there is reason to suppose that “ the poor will 
never cease out of the land;” man is not justified in 
preying upon his fellow man, and reducing him by 
arbitrary and unjust measures to indigent circumstances; 
much less is he at liberty to elevate himself, by treading 
his neighbour in the dust. 

The impolicy of such attempts sufficiently appears 
from the preceding facts, which manifestly prove that 
they are incompatible with the peace of society, and will 
sooner or later recoil upon those who practise them. But 
there are much higher and stronger motives by which 
the duties of liberality and kindness to the poor may be 
enforced. u To the word and to the testimony,” we are 
instructed in all cases to make our appeal, nor shall we 
appeal in vain. In the Divine Code, which Moses deli¬ 
vered to the tribes of Israel, the care of the Divine 
Legislator for the poor was distinctly to be traced, in the 
prohibitions of usury, the exhortations to beneficence, 
and the merciful institutions, with which it abounded. If 
a brother, or even a stranger and sojourner had become 
poor, and fallen into decay, his wealthier neighbours 
were forbidden to take usury of him, or to lend him 
food for gain, or to reduce him to slavery; but, on the 
contrary, they were commanded to treat him with kind¬ 
ness, and relieve his necessities, even though the year 


ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME.. 


G1 


were at hand, in which, according to tlie Jewish law, the 
debtor would be released from all obligation to his cre¬ 
ditors. (See Lev. xxv. 25. to the end; and also Deut. 
xv. 1—15.) The prophets were frequently commanded 
to reprove the rulers of Israel and Judah for their sin in 
u grinding the faces of the poor, and grievously oppress¬ 
ing the widow, the fatherless, and the stranger, within 
their gates.” (Consult particularly, Isa. iii. 1J, 15. and 
lviii. 3—7. Ezek. xviii. 7, 8, 12 and 13. Amos. iv. 1. 
Zech. vii. 9—12.) But the Gospel Dispensation, which 
breathes throughout the benignant spirit of its founder, lays 
a yet greater stress upon this important branch of moral 
obligation. For not only docs it forbid the professed 
disciples of Christ to defraud one another; not only does 
it commend their poor to the special and constant care of 
the church ; but it even proposes this as a test of Christi¬ 
anity; “ Whoso hath this world’s good, and seeth his 
brother have need, and shutteth up his bowels of com¬ 
passion from him, how dwelleth the love of God in him ?” 
1st John iii. 17. See also Matt. xxv. 51. to the end. 

There are however duties of the poor toward the rich, 
as well as of the rich toward the poor. There was no 
excuse on the principles of heathen , and much less of 
Christian morality, for the turbulence, the insubordina¬ 
tion, the rebellion of the Boman populace. The “ law 
written upon their hearts” would have told them, had they 
consulted it, that to suffer was better than to do wrong; 
and that it rather became them “ to endure grief, suffer¬ 
ing wrongfully,” than by avenging themselves, to break 
asunder the bonds of peace, and to violate social order. 
But how much more should the meekness and gentleness 
of Christ constrain his followers to exercise patience under 
' injuries, from a regard to his example, who, “ when he 
was reviled, reviled not again ; when he suffered, threat¬ 
ened not; but committed himself to him that judgetk 
righteously.” 


i 


62 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK T. 


ESSAY VIII. 

On Caius Marcius Coriolanus. 

FLOURISHED A. C. 486. 

The year in which Tribunes of the People were first 
chosen forms an important epoch in Roman History, 
because the Republic assumed from that time a new cha¬ 
racter, and from being a limited ar docracy, became a 
tumultuous popular government. Small as die innova¬ 
tion, which the insurgents had ext rted m i lie Senate, 
at first appeared, it gradually subverted dm onstifution, 
by substituting licentiousness for liberty, a d anarchy for 
subordination. The popular magistrates, who were in¬ 
tended to check the growing ambition of the Consuls and 
Senate, soon contrived to tyrannize over both, and by 
perpetual encroachments, gained an entire ascendency in 
1 he state. Some of the Patricians foresaw these conse¬ 
quences, and were therefore desirous of abolishing (his 
new order of magistracy, from which they apprehended 
not only the retrenchment of their own power, but even 
the destruction of the Republic. An occasion presented 
itself soon after their election, which many of the Sena¬ 
tors thought favourable to this design. 

In the year which followed the secession of the people 
to the Sacred Mount , the city was reduced to great dis¬ 
tress by a famine, which was principally occasioned by 
the loss of the last seed-time, and the suspension of agri¬ 
cultural labours, during the late popular commotions. 
The Seriate endeavoured in some degree to diminish this 
calamity, by purchasing corn from Sicily and many of 
the Italian states, which was deposited in the public gra¬ 
naries, till the time of scarcity should arrive. When the 
question of the terms on which the poor should be sup¬ 
plied with these provisions came before the Senate, it was 
proposed by some who were most adverse to the Tribu¬ 
nate, that the people should be first required to relinquish 
their plebeian magistrates, and return to their former 


ESSAY Vlir. TIRE HISTORY OF ROME. 03 

allegiance. Amongst those who contended most strenu¬ 
ously for tliis measure was Caius Marcius, a young 
Patrician, who began about that time to make a conspi¬ 
cuous figure both in the senate and the field. He had 
just returned from an expedition against the Volscians, 
in which his valour as a soldier, and his talent as a gene¬ 
ral, had been equally displayed. Charged by the Consul 
^ Cominius with conducting the siege of Corioli, he had 
rallied the Roman legions when tiering before their 
enemies, driven back their pursuers, taken the city by 
storm; and, on the same day, marched to assist the 
Consul, who was engaged in a battle with the Antiates, 
and, by h is seasonable aid, turned the scale of victory in 
favour of the Romans. These brilliant exploits obtained 
for the youthful warrior the most distinguished honours. 
In memory of his gallantry in taking the Volscian city, 
lie was authorized henceforth to boar the name of Corio- 
Janus. Such flattering marks of distinction in his youth 
could scarcely fail to produce that imperious temper and 
that undaunted character, which the future events of his 
life more fully developed. 

The eloquence of Coriolanus in declaiming against 
the insolence of the Tribunes and AKdiles,* was most 
grateful to the Senate, but it rendered him an object of 
suspicion and hatred to the plebeians. Contemplating 
him as their most formidable enemy, the Tribunes deter¬ 
mined, if possible, to expel him from the city. They 
dost no opportunity of inflaming the public mind against 
this illustrious Patrician, whom they represented as the 
chief cause of their sufferings, apd one who evidently 
aspired to sovereign authority. When they conceived 
that the people were sufficiently irritated against him, 
they nominated a day, on which he should be brought to 
public trial, as an enemy to the liberties of Rome. Rut 
though Coriolanus was well acquainted with the hostile 


* The dEdiles were plebeian officers chosen to assist the Tri¬ 
bunes in the discharge of their duty, and whose especial business 
it was to superintend the markets and public shows; to take 
charge of the public buildings, and to act as subordinate officers 
of police. 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


64 


sentiments of tbe people, who were to be both his accusers 
and judges, so conscious was he of integrity, and so fear¬ 
less of danger, that he did not shrink from the trial. 
With a manly and irresistible eloquence he pleaded his 
own cause before the assembly,, and would have been, 
acquitted with honour, but for the interference of the 
Tribunes, who changed their ground of accusation, and 
charged him with having embezzled public property, by 
distributing amongst his own soldiers the spoils taken in 
war. Unjust as was this accusation, it was no sooner 
stated,.than the enraged assembly, yielding to the blind 
impulse of passion, rather than to the dictates of equity, 
refused to listen to his defence, and sentenced him to per¬ 
petual banishment. 

The exultation of the people on this victory obtained 
by the Tribunes over the Senate, was equal to that usually 
expressed on the most triumphal occasions. Nor Avas, 
the consternation of the patricians less, at the public de¬ 
gradation of a senator, on whom their hopes were placed,, 
and whom they had been accustomed to regard ns the 
iirmest pillar of the state. Coriolanus alone was un>- 
moved. With a scornful smile, he looked round on the 
assembly, and without deigning a reply, left the forum. 
He then took a hasty leave of his mother and wife, whom 
he endeavoured to console by every consideration that 
philosophy or reason suggested, and immediately quitted 
Rome, unaccompanied by so much as a single domestic. 
But, though outwardly calm, the deep resentment that 
rankled in his breast, may be inferred from the desperate- 
resolution he formed, of throwing himself into the arms 
of the most inveterate enemies of his country. Here- 
paired to Antiurn, tlie scene of his former conquests, and, 
having entered in disguise the splendid mansion of Attius 
Tullus, (or as he is called by Plutarch, Tullus Aufulius,) 
the General of the Volscians, announced himself as 
“ Caius Marcius Coriolanus, who had been driven by the 
ingratitude of his fellow-citizens to seek a refuge amongst 
the enemies of Rome, and who was now come to concert 
measures with those enemies for the destruction of his un¬ 
grate! ill country.” The proposal of Coriolanus was too 
acceptable to the enterprising leader of the Volscians to 











ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


m 


be rejected. Appearing to forget his former hostility, 
Tullus embraced the Roman exile as a friend, and intro¬ 
duced him without delay to the council, who imme¬ 
diately resolved on war with the Romans, and ap<- 
pointed the rival generals,joint commanders of their army. 

Not doubting of success under the conduct of so able 
a general, the Volscians flocked to the standard of Corio- 
hums, and seemed already to anticipate with confidence, 
not only the recovery of their lost territories, but the 
speedy overthrow of their ancient and formidable rival. 
The renewal of the war was unexpected by the Romans, 
who fancied themselves secure from the usual incursions 
of this warlike people, by the recent conclusion of a 
truce for two years. When intelligence reached the 
city, that the Roman territories were invaded by a nu¬ 
merous army of Volscians under the command of Tullus 
and Coriolanus, its inhabitants were filled with conster¬ 
nation, and already gave up the republic as lost. Wholly 
unprepared for the arduous contest, and agitated with 
distracted councils, the Romans were unable to check 
the progress of Coriolanus, who pushed forward his con¬ 
quests, taking every city and fortress that lay in his 
track, till he arrived without opposition at the gates of 
the metropolis. As Rome was almost destitute of pro¬ 
visions, and consequently incapable of sustaining a pro¬ 
tracted siege, no time was to be lost; it became necessary 
cither vigorously to oppose, or immediately to conciliate 
their revengeful foe. But terror paralyzed all the exer¬ 
tions of the Romans, and inclined them to submit to the 
most humiliating measures. Not only did the people 
formally repeal the sentence of banishment, into which 
they had been hurried by their passions, but they urged 
the senators to send daily and more pressing deputations 
to the Volscian camp, with the most supplicatory mes¬ 
sages. Coriolanus received the ambassadors with an air 
of haughty contempt, and listening to their entreaties 
with cold indifference, remained inflexible. Hoping to 
overcome his resentments by religious, if not by patriotic 
motives, the Romans sent a solemn embassy, consisting 
of the whole body of priests, pontifices and augurs, 
clad in their most sacred habits, to conjure him by his 


6 G 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


KOOK I 


reverence for the gods of Rome, to spare liis devoted 
country. But whilst he treated the ministers of religion 
with profound respect, he continued deaf to their entrea¬ 
ties, and expressed his firm determination to commence 
immediately an attack upon the city. 

When this deputation returned without success, the 
whole population of Rome resigned themselves to de¬ 
spair, conceiving it impossible to devise any means of 
averting the imminent danger which threatened them. 
Bat in the midst of this public distress, Valeria, a Roman 
matron, the sister of Pubiicola, tried an expedient which 
proved successful. Having collected a train of honour¬ 
able females, consisting of the wives and mothers of the 
most illustrious Senators, she conducted them in mourn¬ 
ing attire to the late residence of Coriolanus. On their 
arrival they found Veturiaand Volumnia, the mother and 
wife of the banished chief, bitterly lamenting their own 
misfortunes and those of their country. In the most 
pressing terms were these beloved relatives of the illus¬ 
trious exile entreated to repair to his tent, and plead the 
cause of their country with all the tender eloquence of 
maternal and conjugal affection. But it was with the 
utmost difficulty that Valeria and her attendants could 
prevail upon Veturia and Volumnia to undertake the 
office of mediators ; and w hen the latter consented, it w as 
rather as a forlorn hope, than with the expectation of 
making any impression upon so impenetrable a mind. 

Coriolanus was informed by his military guard thata 
Iono- train of chariots containing women of distinction, 
amongst whom were liis wife and mother, had issued 
from the city, and were entering the camp. He endea¬ 
voured to arm his resolution by every sentiment of pride 
and revenge, against the approaching struggle, which 
could not fail to put his firmness to the severest and most 
painful test. Tints equipt, he went forth from his tent 
to meet the most endeared objects of his affection, w hom 
lie ardently longed once more to embrace, yet w hose suit, 
however earnest and pressing, he was resolved to reject. 
But no sooner did he meet the eve of his revered mother, 
which intelligibly expressed affectionate reproof anti 
mental anguish—no sooner did he feel the tender embrace 



ESSAY VIII. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


67 


and press (lie moistened cheek of his beloved Volumnia-— 
than his heroism failed him, and he loll that to such suppli¬ 
cants he could refuse nothing. At the sight of a parent 
whom he had ever been accustomed to revere—upon her 
knees—conjuring him by every tender recollection, by 
every early and fond endearment—now threatening, if 
repulsed, to put an end to her existence—and now dc- 
^ daring that if he entered Home as an enemy, it should 
lie after treading upon her body, to whom he owed his 
being,—at the sight too of a wife whom he tenderly loved, 
and from whom he had been for some lime separated, whose 
flowing tears, and silent grief, pleaded more powerfully 
than the most energetic words—and at the sight of his 
two infant sons, who were instructed to grasp his knees, 
and mingle their tears with those of tiie supplicating 
group—can we wonder that the haughty Roman was lost 
in the son, the husband, and the father ; or that the proof- 
armour of wounded honour and mortified pride in which 
lie had invested himself, was found insufficient to defend 
him from such resistless weapons? The softened hero, 
after an ineffectual struggle between honour and feeling, 
between the desire of revenge and natural affection—sud- 
denly exclaimed, u Ay! my mother, you disarm me; 
Rome is saved, but your son is lost.” The articles to 
which he gave his assent were, to withdraw the Volscian 
army from before the city on the following day; to use 
his influence with the rulers of the Volsci to obtain an 
honourable peace; and, in case of their refusal, to tender 
his resignation. With this contract signed and sealed, 
Veturia returned joyfully to the city, where she was 
received with unbounded acclamations. In memory of 
this event, a temple was erected upon the spot in which 
the mother of Coriolanus had mediated so successfully, 
and a statue placed in the midst of it, bearing her name. 
Of this temple, w hich was dedicated to Female Fortune , 
Valeria was the first priestess. 

Coriolanus had foreseen that his companions in arms 
w ould resent his disappointment of their hopes, imme¬ 
diately after his return to Antium, Tullus accused him 
before the Volscian council of perfidy and treason, in 
having sacrificed their interests, to gratify his wife and 


68 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

mother. Coriolanus was preparing to defend himself 
from this charge, or at least to extenuate the criminality 
of his conduct, when he was suddenly stabbed in the 
back by some assassins, whom TuHus Aufidius had su¬ 
borned for that purpose. The Antintes performed his 
funeral obsequies with great pomp, and erected a costly 
monument to his memory. 

Dionys, Ilalic. lib. 7 et 8. Liv. Hist. lib. 2. Plut. in vit. 
Coriob 


REFLECTIONS. 

What a variety of strange and sudden reverses were 
there in the life of Coriolanus! How instructive the pic¬ 
ture it exhibits of the vicissitude of all human affairs* and 
the evanescence of all human glory l From having been 
the popular idol, greeted wherever he went with the 
applauses of admiring thousands, how quickly did he 
become the object of popular execration ! lie that was 
seen but as yesterday, entering the city in triumph, deco¬ 
rated with the laurels, and laden with the spoils of vic¬ 
tory, to-day is driven out of the same city, by the ingra¬ 
titude of his countrymen, a degraded and solitary exile,. 
But soon the tide is turned, and this forlorn outcast is 
again seen at the head of a victorious army, encamped 
before the walls of the same city, threatening its imme¬ 
diate destruction, and giving laws to its terrified inhabi¬ 
tants. Once more the tide of prosperity ebbs, and disco¬ 
vers this invincible hero basely murdered by a treacherous 
foe, and indebted to strangers and enemies for the per¬ 
formance of his funeral obsequies. After contemplating 
sueli a character, whose whole existence was made up of 
contrasts, and formed a continual series of elevations and 
depressions, we arc prepared to acknowledge the justice 
of those scriptural representations of human life, in which 
it is compared to a rapid stream, a transcient vapour, or 
a fading flower; we feel the force of the admonition, 










ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OI ROME. 


69 


<< Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his nostrils, for 
wherein is he to be accounted of?” 

The preceding tacts demonstrate the folly and danger 
of resigning ourselves to the blind impulse of passion, 
instead of listening to the dictates of wisdom, and the 
dominion of enlightened reason. To this source, both the 
calamities of the Roman people, and the fall of Corio- 
lanus, may be distinctly traced. The former suffered 
themselves to be hurried by their infuriate passions into 
the adoption of measures, which their judgments, had 
they been consulted, would have instantly condemned, 
and of which they soon had cause to repent. The latter 
was betrayed by his resentments into a rash and intem¬ 
perate act, which his generous soul must have abhorred, 
and which has covered him with perpetual infamy. So 
have the victims of anger been frequently precipitated 
into the most foolish and dangerous conduct—conduct 
which has covered them with lasting ignominy, and 
pierced them with unavailing regret. Let the young 
especially, who, on account of the ardour of their feel¬ 
ings, and the impetuosity of their dispositions, are most 
exposed to danger from this quarter, beware of surrender¬ 
ing themselves to those irascible passions, which will not 
only render them unlovely, but will probably lead to 
years of bitter repentance. Let them not suffer the voice 
of conscience and duty, (not to say that of interest, 
which may sometimes be lawfully regarded,) to be 
drowned amidst the clamours of vindictive anger, or 
stifled by the vapours of infernal revenge. 

O Nature! how powerful is thy voice! how resistless 
thine eloquence! with what commanding energy dost 
thou speak to the heart, even though that heart be steeled 
by pride and passion, so as to resist every other impres¬ 
sion! How often hast thou, by a word—by a look— 
penetrated the most unfeeling breast, and brought into 
willing subjection the most inflexible mind! But shall 
the pleadings of natural affection suffice to shake the 
firmest resolution and produce so remarkable a transmu¬ 
tation of character—and shall not genuine piety much 
more easily and effectually accomplish this mighty 
change? Yes; wherever pure and undefiled religion 


70 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


enters and takes possession of the heart, a far more asto¬ 
nishing- moral transformation takes place—the haughtiest 
spirit is abased, and the most ferocious tamed—(he lion 
becomes a lamb—the “ stout-hearted and such as are far 
from righteousness” are rendered contrite and broken in 
spirit. Passion is exchanged for meekness, pride for 
humility, revenge and hatred for universal benevolence. 
“ The loftiness of man is bowed down, and the haughti¬ 
ness of men made low, and the Lord alone is exalted in 
that day.” In proportion as the inward principle pro¬ 
ducing this moral change is more powerful than the mere 
sympathies of nature, the effect will be greater and more 
permanent. Happy, thrice happy they, who, subdued 
by the benignant and all-conquering influence of divine 
grace, become new creatures in Christ Jesus! 

Tiie Homans were for the most part characterized by 
fidelity to their country—a fidelity so invincible, that no 
enticements from without, and no injustice from within, 
could seduce them from their allegiance. And, in like 
manner, sincere Christians are distinguished from false 
professors by the steadfastness of their principles, and 
the uniformity of thcir-obediencc. Thus are they armed 
against the seductions of the world, and every other form 
of temptation, whether from within or from without. 
Hut as it appears from the preceding pages, that there 
was a Roman Senator, who dishonoured his name and 
rank, by forming an alliance with the enemies of that 
republic to which he had sworn allegiance: so have we 
sometimes seen the professed disciple of Christ, disho¬ 
nouring his high and holy vocation, by uniting himself 
to the enemies of the Gospel. He becomes either a secret 
backslider, or an open apostate from the faith of Jesus. 
He is induced to co-operate with the infidel and the blas¬ 
phemer, the profligate or the profane, in feeble endea¬ 
vours to destroy that spiritual kingdom, which he lias 
solemnly sworn to defend. But does lie succeed in his 
treacherous design, or does he not rather, like the apostate 
Roman, bring down swift destruction upon his own 
head? Yes! it is written—and who can reverse the 
awful sentence?—“ the backslider in heart shall be filled 
with his own way. Thine own wickedness shall correct 










ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


71 


fhee, and thy backslidings shall reprove Usee; know 
therefore and see, that it is an evil thing and bitter that 
thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God, and that my fear 
is not in thee, sailli the Lord God of hosts.” Prov. 
xiv. 14. Jer. ii. 19. 



ESSAY IX. 

The Agrarian Tan). —T. Quintius Cincinnatus,—- 

The Decemvirate. 

from A. C. 485—450. 

No sooner were the Romans freed from the terrors 
which the invasion of Coriolanus had occasioned, than 
hostilities recommenced between the Patricians and Ple¬ 
beians. This breach was soon afterwards widened by 
the ambitious conduct of Sp. Cassius, a vain and aspiring 
senator, who aimed at elevating himself, by courting 
popular favour. He had been thrice Consul, and ob¬ 
tained two triumphs—distinctions which had served, but 
to inflame his vanity, and led him to aspire to yet higher 
dignities. With this view, he endeavoured to stir up 
contentions between the two principal factions in the 
state, that, in the mean time, he might more securely 
pursue his own advancement, lie lost no opportunity 
of haranguing the multitude on his personal merits, the 
signal services he had rendered to his country, the rapa¬ 
city and injustice of the patricians, and the sufferings and 
privations of the poor inhabitants of the city. On one 
occasion, he concluded an imflammatory speech of this 
description, with proposing a law, for the equal division 
of those lands, which had been obtained by conquest at 
different periods, amongst the necessitous plebeians. This 
was the purport of the celebrated Agrarian Lazo , which 
was first suggested by Cassius, and long continued to 
agitate the Commonwealth. 




72 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK i. 


Such a proposal could not fail to be acceptable to the 
multitude, who had seen with indignation the aggrandize¬ 
ment of a few individuals by the spoils of war, whilst 
they themselves were greatly impoverished. It was 
received with acclamations of joy, and the Senate was 
called upon to sanction a decree without delay, which 
was expected to banish poverty from Rome. But the 
Tribunes were unwilling that so popular a measure should 
be carried by a patrician, and therefore resolved secretly 
to oppose it. They insinuated, that it was a snare laid 
by an ambitious Senator for their independence and 
liberties; that Cassius was but a disguised tyrant; and 
that they ought, to suspect some treacherous design in 
this proffered benefit, which should proceed alone from 
the appointed guardians of the people. By such means, 
these turbulent demagogues, co-operating on this occa¬ 
sion with the enraged Senators, frustrated the measure, 
and obtained the degradation of Cassius, who was con¬ 
demned to be thrown from the Tarpeian rock, as a traitor 
to the republic. But his death did not terminate the 
disputes respecting the Agrarian Law. The Tribunes, 
year after year, contended strenuously for its adoption, 
and it became necessary that the Senate should continu¬ 
ally devise new expedients to divert the public mind 
from this favourite project. Sometimes by electing a 
popular Consul, and sometimes by creating a Dictator, 
whose office superseded that of the Tribunes, they con¬ 
trived to silence the clamours, and allay the discontents 
of the people. At one time they circulated the rumour 
of a formidable invasion, and at another granted some 
new privileges, on condition of suspending these popular 
claims. Thus by various artifices, the Senators eluded a 
measure which would have been highly prejudicial, if 
not ruinous to their interests. 

But though these temporary expedients sufficed to 
restrain the violence of popular discontents, they could 
not remove their cause, or effect a radical cure. Every 
disaster that befel the republic, whether of greater or less 
importance, caused the flames of discord to blaze anew. 
If the Consuls were unsuccessful in war—if a sudden 
irruption of needy adventurers swept away the produce 


ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY Of ROME. 73 

of their fields, and occasioned temporary distress—or if 
the Tribunes were at any time obstructed in their arbi¬ 
trary and insolent proceedings, by the high-spirited 
Patricians—any of these occurrences were sufficient to 
renew former animosities, and to agitate afresh the public 
mind. Thus for example, a melancholy catastrophe 
which befel the Fabian family, by which every individual 
belonging to it, save one, was suddenly cut off,—the total 
defeat of a Roman army under the Consul Menenius— 
the riotous conduct of Coeso, a young patrician, the sou 
of T. Quintius Cincinnatus, who entered the forum, at 
the head of a party of noble youths, and dispersed the 
tumultuous assembly—and the enterprise of Herdonius, 
a private Sabine, who collected 4000 followers, and 
suddenly surprised the Roman capital—all these events, 
which quickly succeeded each other, afforded the Tri¬ 
bunes an opportunity of inflaming the passions of the 
common people. 

In the mean time, a new cause of discord arose. Te- 
rentius Arsa, one of the Tribunes, availed himself of the 
absence of the Consuls, to propose a measure which was 
calculated to diminish the consular dignity and authority. 
After having declaimed with great vehemence against 
the discretionary power granted to the Consuls, by which 
they were enabled to obstruct the enactment of those 
laws which were most beneficial to the people, he recom¬ 
mended the appointment of some of the wisest men in the 
Republic to the important office of Legislators, by whom a 
code of laws should be prepared, to which both the magis¬ 
trates and people should be required to yield obedience. 
This proposition obtained the name of the Terentian 
haw r , from that of the Tribune who first suggested it. 
It met with the most strenuous opposition from the su¬ 
perior orders, who could not brook the least invasion of 
their privileges, or even an imaginary infringement of 
their supposed rights. It was for the purpose of frus¬ 
trating this measure, when on the point of being unani¬ 
mously carried in an assembly of the people, that the 
son of Cincinnatus committed the act of violence which 
has just been stated—an offence which was punished by 

E 


74 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK U 

the imposition of a heavy tine, the payment of which 
reduced his venerable father to a slate of abject poverty. 

But poverty in those days did not necessarily imply 
disgrace. Cincinnatus was still revered, after all his 
estates were sold, except a small farm on the banks of 
the Tiber, which he cultivated with his own hands, and 
■upon the produce of which he depended for subsistence. 
The Senate were too sensible of his worth to permit him 
to live in this lowly retirement. At a critical juncture, 
they elected him to the Consulate, and sent ambassadors 
to apprize him of their choice, and invest him with the 
insignia of office. With extreme reluctance he quitted 
Ms rural occupations, to direct the helm of state in the 
midst of a tremendous storm. So wise and temperate, so 
dignified, and yet so conciliatory, was his administration, 
that the tumults of the people were quickly appeased, 
and tranquillity was happily restored. Though his con¬ 
sulate was distinguished by no splendid events, it has 
been justly classed with the most prosperous and me¬ 
morable in the annals of Borne. 

Scarcely had Cincinnatus relinquished his consular 
honours, and returned to his fa rib, when he was suddenly 
called to occupy a yet more arduous and honourable 
post. Minucius, one of the Consuls, engaged in war 
with the iEqui, had imprudently suffered himself and 
his whole army, consisting of the flower of the Roman 
youth, to be hemmed iu by the enemy, where it w r as alike 
impossible to escape, or, fight with any hope of success. 
Intelligence of this disaster no sooner reached the city, 
than Cincinnatus was created Dictator, who instantly 
raised levies, marched to the relief of the famished army 
of Minucius, liberated them from their imprisonment, 
compelled the enemy to surrender at discretion, and return¬ 
ing to Rome in triumph, resigned the dictatorship, which 
he had retained but during the space of fourteen days. 
Deeply impressed with gratitude for this signal service, 
the Senate and people vied with each other in loading their 
benefactor with honours; they would have added wealth, 
but this he utterly rejected, as an useless incumbrance. 
Satisfied with having extricated his countrymen from 


ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


75 


imminent danger, and with having obtained, as the 
reward of his services, the recal of his son Quintius 
Cceso from banishment, he once more returned to his 
beloved retreat, and resumed his rustic occupations. 

The contest respecting the Agrarian and Terentian 
Laws was renewed in the tribunate of Icilius, and led to 
the utmost confusion and anarchy. The Tribunes em¬ 
boldened by success proceeded so far as to issue orders 
for the apprehension and imprisonment of the Consuls; 
and the Patricians in their turn broke up the assemblies 
of the people, when met to deliberate on these questions. 
It was in one of these assemblies, that Sicinius Dentatus, 
a plebeian soldier, forcibly appealed to the gratitude ot 
his fellow-citizens. He stated u that he had borne arms 
in the service of the republic forty years—had been in a 
hundred and twenty engagements—had received forty- 
five wounds, all of which were in front—had obtained 
fourteen civic, three mural, and eight other crowns of 
different kinds—that he had been rewarded by different 
generals under whom he had served, with eighty-three 
golden collars, sixty golden bracelets, eighteen lances, 
and twenty-five sets of equestrian furniture—yet that 
notwithstanding all these public services, and the signal 
honours conferred upon him, he had remained to that 
hour without possessing a single acre of those lands 
which he had conquered with his sword, and which had 
served only to enrich the patricians.” 

The assembly well knew that these were not unfounded 
assertions—they were not ignorant both of the military 
prowess and honourable poverty of Sicinius, and were 
stirred up by his remonstrances to demand more loudly 
the appointment of commissioners to divide the con¬ 
quered lands. But the Senate still remained inflexible, 
and found excuses for delaying the execution of a law, 
which they feared to reject, and yet refused to sanction. 
To avenge themselves on Sicinius, who had so zealously 
pleaded for the Agrarian Law, they appointed him to a 
perilous enterprize, which could scarcely fail to prove 
fatal. But the skill and courage of that hardy veteran 
enabled him to surmount every difficulty, and he re¬ 
turned victorious, after having sustained incredible 


76 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

hardships, and encountered the most appalling dangers. 
Being elected Tribune soon after his return, he cited 
the late Consuls, by whose orders his small but faithful 
band had been thus wantonly exposed, to appear before 
an assembly of the people, who imposed upon each of 
them a considerable fine, as a mark of public disgrace, 
and in token of their high displeasure. 

At length both parties seemed to grow weary of their 
perpetual contentions and animosities. The Terentian 
Law was proposed in the Senate by Romilius, (one of 
the Consuls who had been lately fined,) and carried 
almost without opposition. Three deputies were chosen 
from amongst the patricians, who were instructed first 
to repair to Athens for the purpose of transcribing 
the celebrated laws of Solon, and afterwards to visit the 
other chief cities of Greece, in order to examine their 
systems of jurisprudence, and collect from them such 
laws as were best suited to the Roman commonwealth. 
Sp. Posthumius, A. Manlius, and S. Sulpitius Camerinus, 
were the three Commissioners, to whom this important 
task was assigned. Hermodorus an Ephesian, accom¬ 
panied them in their tour, as interpreter and translator— 
a sufficient evidence of the small progress which had as 
yet been made in literature, even by the highest order of 
Roman citizens. A dreadful plague which ravaged the 
whole of Italy chiefly engaged the public attention during 
the absence of the deputies. On their return ten Commis¬ 
sioners, called Decemviri , were chosen for the purpose 
of compiling from the Grecian documents, a code of 
laws for the future administration of the republic. The 
Decemviri were to retain their office twelve months, 
during which period they were to be invested with 
supreme authority, and all other offices were to be 
suspended. Appius Claudius and T. Genucius, the 
consuls elect, who had - voluntarily relinquished their 
dignities in favour of the proposed Decemvirate, were 
first, chosen—the three Grecian deputies, and five other 
eminent Senators were associated with them, who entered 
upon their new office with great moderation, and dis¬ 
charged its important functions with the most assiduous 
and constant attention. 















ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 77 

Towards the close of the first year of the Decemvirate, 
these legislative magistrates presented a code, which 
they had compiled trom the documents before them, 
for the approbation of the Senate and People. This 
code consisted ot Ten Tables , to which two others were 
afterwards annexed, some fragments of which have been 
preserved to the present day. After both the Senate and 
a general Assembly of the People had sanctioned these 
laws by unanimous votes in their favour, they were en¬ 
graven on plates of brass, and suspended in the forum, 
that they might be equally accessible to the poorest, and 
most opulent citizens in the republic. 


REFLECTIONS. 

A more disorganized government, or a more wretched 
, state of society can scarcely be imagined, than that of 
Home during the period to which the present essay 
refers. It is true, the Commonwealth presented an 
appearance of vigour and prosperity. She was able to 
repel her most formidable invaders, and extend her 
foreign conquests. But these flattering symptoms, far 
from indicating her political health, resembled rather 
the hectic glow, the rapid and unnatural growth, or the 
feverish and convulsive struggles, which are frequently 
observed in the victims of disease. At the same moment 
in which these illusive appearances were seen, an inward 
and alarming malady preyed upon her vitals, and threat¬ 
ened her speedy dissolution. In vain were her generals 
skilful—-her warriors brave—and her citizens numerous— 
since the fruits of victory served but to multiply the 
sources of strife, and her very prosperity but increased 
her capacity for suffering. Whatever might be the 
speculations and conclusions of philosophical inquirers 
on the nature, causes, and influence of these contentions, 
the Christian moralist will be at no loss to discover their 
common spring. They unquestionably originated in the 
depravity both of the higher and lower orders of society: 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


78 


they demonstrated that “ the whole head was sick, and 
the whole heart faintthey indicated most clearly the 
vitiated state of the whole social body. 

The expedient which was ultimately adopted for the 
purpose of diminishing these evils, namely, the institution 
of a civil code, to which both rulers and their subjects 
might appeal, was most certainly founded in wisdom. 
For nothing tends more to perpetuate lawful authority, 
and promote general tranquillity—nothing is better cal¬ 
culated to render a government sequre, and a people 
happy—than the substitution of wise and salutary laws, 
in place of discretionary power, and lawless despotism. 
But if human codes, which are necessarily imperfect, 
tend to restrain the licentious passions of mankind—if 
they have so important and powerful an influence upon 
the peace and happiness of social life—how much more 
may results like these be anticipated from a divine 
law, whose precepts are infinitely more pure, and 
whose sanctions, infinitely more sacred and obligatory! 
Thanks be to God, we need not send to remote climes in 
search of this unerring standard of truth and holiness— 
for “ the word is nigh us, even in our mouth and in our 
hearts.” It is emblazoned in bright and indelible cha¬ 
racters before our eyes. It is accessible to all, who 
inhabit our highly-favoured shores. 

Let us not disdain to learn, even from the Romans, 
that poverty does not necessarily imply disgrace, and 
that the most valuable characters may sometimes lie con¬ 
cealed beneath the shades of adversity and sorrow. 
Cincinnatus possessed those sterling virtues that rendered 
him alike noble and illustrious, whether he guided the 
plough, or commanded armies—whether clad in rustic 
apparel, or invested with the consular purple. He 
despised that glittering pomp, which surrounds the sons 
of opulence, but which can confer no real dignity on 
their character. And shall those who enjoy superior 
light, and arc engaged in the pursuit of durable riches 
and immortal honours, yield to the grovelling propensi¬ 
ties of the avaricious worldling? Shall they pursue with 
the utmost avidity those treasures which perish in the 
using, and which even virtuous heathens knew how to 












ES3AY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 79 

tread under foot, with a dignified, if not a sacred 
indifference ? 

Had the affairs of Rome continued prosperous, it is 
probable that this fallen Senator would have been over¬ 
looked, and completely forgotten by the haughty patri¬ 
cians ; his peaceful retirement, his rural occupations, 
would have been undisturbed to the hour of his death. 
But affliction taught them his value, and constrained 
them to solicit his counsel and aid, when danger threat- 
ened the common wealth. Tims virtuous poverty, though 
branded with reproach by the wealthy proud, is some¬ 
times seen to break forth as tiie morning; and those who 
despised, arc constrained to do her homage. Thus too 
is the lowly Christian frequently resorted to, in the hour 
of sickness and alarm, by those, who, in the day of 
their prosperity, have loaded him with contempt, and 
cast out his name as evil. It was thus that the haug hty 
Monarch of Egypt, when visited with the judgment, 
of the Almighty, sent for the despised Hebrews whom he 
had lately driven from his presence, and earnestly en¬ 
treated their forgiveness and their prayers. .See Exod. 
ix. 27, 28—x. lb, 17. 

Perilous Avas the situation from which Cincinnatus 
rescued Menenius and his army, but it was one into 
which they had been betrayed by their own imprudence. 
If they had perished (and nothing else could have been 
expected) their destruction would have lain at their own 
door. But the brave, the generous Cincinnatus, no* 
sooner heard of their imminent danger, than he ’flew 
to their relief, vanquished their enemies, and set them at 
liberty. Thus perilous, (if we may illustrate eAents 
of infinite magnitude and eternal importance, by those 
which were far inferior,) thus perilous Avas the condition 
of the whole human race, Avhen the illustrious Captain of 
their salvation undertook to rescue them from inevitable 
destruction. When involved by their own voluntary 
transgressions in a condemnation from which they had no 
means of escape—this compassionate friend—this Al¬ 
mighty Redeemer—hastened to their succour, and Avith 
his own right hand accomplished their deliverance. He 
led captivity captive. He snatched the prey from the 


80 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


mighty, and delivered the victims of the terrible; after 
which, he ascended up on high to occupy a throne 
of majesty, which he must continue to fill, till all his 
enemies become his footstool. O! what immortal honours, 
what exalted and unceasing praises, are due to Him, 
who has thus “ remembered us in our low estate, tor 
bis mercy endureth for ever!” 


ESSAY X. 


On the Abolition of the Decemvir ate. 


A. C. 448. 


.The Decemviri had not completed their task, when 
the year of their office expired; but as their administra¬ 
tion had been characterized by moderation and prudence, 
it was not difficult to secure their re-election. Appius 
Claudius, the grandson of the Senator, whose name was 
mentioned in a former essay, by his popular manners and 
insinuating address, had obtained the entire confidence of 
all classes, and elevated himself to the head of the 
Decemvirate. But it soon appeared that these were 
artifices employed to perpetuate and increase his au¬ 
thority. After the day of election, he assembled his 
colleagues, and secretly communicated to them his design 
of abolishing the Consulate, superseding the power of the 
Senate, and prohibiting all popular assemblies, assuring 
. them that if they firmly adhered to each other, nothing 
could wrest the sceptre out of their hands. The pro¬ 
posal was cordially approved by the rest of the Decem¬ 
viri, who entered into a covenant to support each other 
in the maintenance of their delegated authority. 

In pursuance of this design, these magistrates assumed 
more state than in the former year, by increasing the 
number of lictors who attended them on all public 
occasions, and now formed a guard of 120 armed soldiers, 
whose glittering fasces were calculated to inspire the 
















ESSAY X. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


81 


common people with terror and dismay. The elder 
Senators, for the most part, forsook the city, and either 
retired to their country residences, or banished them¬ 
selves from the territories of the republic. The younger 
patricians, no longer restrained in their criminal plea¬ 
sures, rejoiced in a government, which permitted and 
even sanctioned their excesses, and which, for this reason 
alone, they were resolved to support. The people, 
deprived of their tribunes, resigned themselves in silent 
despair to a tyranny, which daily became more op¬ 
pressive, and more formidable. 

Such was the state of Rome, when the iEqui and 
Sabines again poured their hostile legions into the terri¬ 
tories of the republic, and obliged the Decemviri to 
convene the Senate with all possible expedition. They 
obtained with great difficulty the sanction of that august 
body to a decree which authorized them to levy forces, 
and divide amongst themselves the command of the 
armies which should be raised. Appius remained at 
home to keep the people in subjection, whilst his col¬ 
leagues hastened to check the progress of the invaders, 
who had already taken several cities, and were ad¬ 
vancing with rapid strides towards the capital. The 
Roman armies were at first defeated with great loss, 
either on account of the incapacity of their leaders, oe 
the disaffection of the troops. 

In the mean time Siccius Dentatus, (the popular 
veteran mentioned in the last essay,) availed himself 
of these calamities to incense the public mind against the 
tyrants, and demand the restoration of their liberties. 
The ruling Decemvir affected to despise, but in reality 
feared him, and secretly meditated his destruction. For 
this purpose, Siccius was entrusted with an honourable 
commission in the army under the command of Fabius 
Yibulanus, to whom private instructions were sent at all 
events to procure his death. The commission was faith¬ 
fully observed, and Siccius privately assassinated. In vain 
did the perpetrators of this nefarious transaction en¬ 
deavour to conceal it by appearing to lament his 
decease, and by paying greater honours to his remains 
than had ever been permitted to plebeians: the eixeum- 


82 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


stances of his death quickly transpired ; its authors were 
discovered, and the public indignation was wrought up 
to the highest pitch. 

Scarcely had the popular tumults subsided, which 
the murder of Siccius Dcntatus occasioned, when a still 
more atrocious crime completed the guilt, and accom¬ 
plished the ruin of the Decemvir. During the absence 
of his colleagues, Appius had constantly attended at the 
hall of justice, to hear appeals, and execute the laws. 
In passing through the public schools for this purpose, a 
girl of singular beauty, who attended there for instruc¬ 
tion, caught his eye. His impure mind was instantly 
inflamed with a criminal passion for this female, who had 
scarcely attained her fifteenth year, and was still under 
the care of a faithful nurse. He learnt by his spies, that 
her name was Virginia, that her mother JNumitoria was 
dead, that her father Virginius served as centurion in 
Vibulanus’ army, and that she was betrothed to the late 
tribune Icilius, who was to marry her at the close of the 
campaign. Yet notwithstanding this intelligence, so 
unfavourable to his hopes, he determined at all events to 
gratify his passion, and with this view basely resorted to 
the customary arts of seduction. But the modesty of 
Virginia and the inflexible fidelity of her attendant 
rendered all those artifices unavailing. Burning with 
rage and passion, which became more violent in propor¬ 
tion to the checks they had received, the guilty Decem¬ 
vir concerted a scheme witli one of his clients, the 
cruelty and injustice of which have never been exceeded. 
He instructed M. Claudius—one of that infamous class 
who are wont to insinuate themselves into the confidence 
of the great by ministering to their criminal pleasures— 
to claim Virginia as the daughter of one of his slaves, 
and consequently as his lawful property. In pursuance 
of this design, Claudius entered the schools, and taking 
the trembling Virginia by the band, attempted to drag 
her away by force; but the cries of the injured maid 
and of her vigilant attendant, attracted so much notice, 
that he was obliged to delay the immediate execution 
of his purpose, and have recourse to judicial process. 
Appius Claudius was then in the hall of justice, trying 










ESSAY X. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


S3 


causes and pronouncing judgment; to him therefore 
the question was referred. 

The Decemvir, with much apparent impartiality, 
listened to tiie claims of Claudius on the one part, and 
the defence of Numitorius, the uncle of Virginia, on the 
other; and concluded with deciding in favour of the 
former, whom he authorized to take immediate pos¬ 
session of the fair victim, requiring him at the same time 
to give security for her appearance before him, if Vir- 
ginius, her reputed father, should on his return home, 
demand her restoration. In vain did the friends and 
guardians of Virginia entreat, that the decision of this 
question might be suspended till her father could be 
brought from the camp, and that till then she might 
be permitted to remain with her affectionate nurse. In 
vain did the whole assembly express by murmurs their 
conviction of the injustice of the sentence. The lictors 
were employed to open a way through the crowd for 
Claudius to seize his hapless prey—when suddenly a 
youth of an interesting countenance and dignified 
mien, pressed through the multitude of spectators, and 
demanded with the tone of authority, an arrest- of 
judgment. It was Icilius, the popular and eloquent 
Tribune, to whom Virginia had been contracted, and 
who now claimed her as his own. The firmness and 
popularity of Icilius were well known to Appius, who 
now deemed it prudent so far to modify his sentence 5 
as to permit the friends of Virginia to retain possession 
of her person till the morrow j when the cause was to 
be finally decided. 

From the hall of justice, Icilius hastened to the camp 
at Algis, and having disclosed the whole business to Vir- 
ginius, both returned without delay to the city, where 
they arrived about midnight; happy in having escaped 
the messengers, whom Appius had sent to order the im* 
mediate arrest and detention of the latter. Early in the 
morning, Virginius, his daughter, and a numerous train 
of relatives, entered the forum in mourning attire, and 
with dejected countenances. A multitude of citizens 
quickly assembled, whom, both Virginius and Icilius 
addressed in terms the most pathetic and impress! vey 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


SI 


before the arrival of the Decemvir. Appius concealed 
his surprise at the sight of Virginius, whose unexpected 
return disconcerted all his measures. The issue however 
was, as might have been anticipated from such an iniqui¬ 
tous mode of procedure, that the claims of Claudius were 
confirmed, and the evidence brought forward by the 
afflicted parent, discredited and scorned. The sentence 
was pronounced—a host of lictors rushed forward, dis¬ 
persing on every side the terrified multitude, and pro¬ 
ceeded to drag the fainting Virginia from the fond 
embraces of her parent, who felt the separation under 
such circumstances to be intolerable, llis purpose was 
immediately fixed. One way alone remained, by which 
he could preserve his child from brutal violence, and 
that, however cruel it might appear—however torturing 
to his parental feelings—Tie determined to adopt. Throw¬ 
ing his arms once more around the neck of his beloved 
Virginia, as if to take a last farewell, he gently whis¬ 
pered, 44 Thus, thus only can 1 preserve thee, my dearest 
child, from contamination and slavery,” and plunged a 
poniard into her heart; then holding up the fatal weapon, 
still reeking with a daughter’s blood, he exclaimed aloud, 
44 By this innocent blood, I devote thy guilty head, O 
Appius, to the infernal gods.” The paralyzed assembly 
looked on with silent horror, and even the armed guard of 
Appius heard not the repeated mandates of the tyrant, 
44 to seize and bind the murderer.” Virginius, with the 
same instrument, which had pierced his daughter’s heart, 
opened to himself a way through the assembly, and 
breathing revenge and slaughter, hastened to the camp, 
to communicate the melancholy tidings of his bereave¬ 
ment to his brethren in arms. 

In the mean time, Numitorius and Icilius, fearless of 
danger, and no longer awed by the presence of the 
Decemvir, exhibited to the people the body of Virginia, 
streaming with blood, and earnestly besought them to 
avenge her death. The report of this tragical event 
quickly circulated through the city. Patricians and 
plebeians, in mingled crowds, pressed towards the forum. 
Amongst the first of these were Valerius and Horatius, 
two popular Senators, who had evinced on many former 



ESSAY X. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 85 

occasions, their patriotic zeal, and hatred of tyranny, by 
■whomsoever practised ; but more especially had they 
opposed themselves to the ambitious projects of Appius 
and his colleagues. They now came forward to protect 
the relatives of Virginia from the fury of the oppressor, 
who threatened their lives, and constrained him to seek a 
temporary shelter in some obscure dwelling. 

The remains of Virginia were borne in an open litter 
through the principal streets of the city, and wherever the 
melancholy procession passed, nothing was heard but 
execrations of the tyrant, whose lawless passion had con¬ 
strained a parent to sacrifice his beloved child. The men 
scattered perfumes, and the women garlands of flowers 
upon her bier, mingled with their tears and tenderest 
regrets. The whole population of the city sympathized 
with the weeping train of bereaved relatives, and seemed 
only to wait the signal of some popular leader, to begin 
the work of revenge. 

Whilst Rome was thus agitated, and its inhabitants 
ripe for revolt, the legions that composed the army at 
Algis, were no less affected by the sorrows of Virginius. 
Not satisfied with expressing their detestation of the con¬ 
duct of Appius, they extended their resentments to the 
whole Decemvirate, and determined on the immediate 
abolition of an office, which had thus gradually degene¬ 
rated into an oppressive tyranny. With one consent, 
the troops forsook their superior officers, and marched 
back to the city in perfect order, under the command of 
their respective centurions. Oil their arrival, the Roman 
legions quietly posted themselves on the Aventine hill, 
equally resolved to refrain from violent measures, and to 
obtain the restitution of their ancient rights. They elected 
ten military Tribunes , who were to conduct the negocia- 
tion, which was opened with the Senators and Patricians. 
The other Roman army which had been opposed to the 
Sabines, followed their example, and entering the city, 
under the command of ten other military Tribunes, 
chosen by themselves, joined their brethren on the Avcn- 
tine hill. 

To detail the proceedings of the two parties would be 
both tedious and useless. It is sufficient to slate, that 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


86 


they issued in the re-election of Consuls, the first of whom 
were Valerius and Horatius, and of Tribunes of the 
people, at the head of whom were the father, and con¬ 
tracted husband of Virginia. Appius perished in prison, 
either by his own hands, or by the dagger of an .assassin, 
and the rest of the Decemviri escaped by flight, with ihe 
exception of Oppius, who is supposed to have destroyed 
himself in prison* Thus was the innocent blood of Vir¬ 
ginia signally avenged, whose death, like that of Lucretia, 
gave liberty a second time to the Homans. 

Dionys. Hal. lib. 10 et 11. Liv. Hist. Rom. Jib. 3. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The preceding facts are calculated to teach us the 
vanity of human hopes, and the disappointments to which 
they are perpetually liable. Great was the joy, and ele¬ 
vated were the expectations of the Roman people, when 
the Decemvirate was first instituted ; and especially when 
they saw a Senator so affable in his manners, so conde¬ 
scending in his general deportment, and so patriotic in his 
professions, as Appius Claudius had hitherto been, placed 
at the head of this new order of magistracy. Then they 
flattered themselves that their liberties were secure, and 
their prosperity certain. But soon, very soon was this 
joy turned into sorrow, and those fond hopes vanished as 
though they had never been. The idol of the people 
became their scourge, and all their dreams of peace and 
happiness were dissipated at once by the unjust and arbi¬ 
trary proceedings, which have been briefly narrated. 
How often has this lesson been repeated in various forms 
since the days of Appius, and repeated without effect! 
Still do the successive generations of mankind, untaught 
by the experience of former ages, cherish delusive hopes, 
and continue to place that confidence in a fellow-worm, 
which is due to God only. Fondly do they anticipate 
from the gratifications of sense, and the acquisition of 
wealth, or worldly distinctions, that contentment and satis- 


ESSAY X. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


87 


faction, which they can never impart* till the painful con¬ 
viction is forced upon them, that these are at best, but 
“ broken cisterns which can hold no water.” If we would 
cherish a confidence that will not deceive us—a hope 
that will not make us ashamed—that hope must rest alone 
on the divine promises—that confidence must be fixed 
upon the Rock of eternal ages. 

The circumstances in which the father of Virginia 
was placed, were peculiarly trying; but neither tlies^, nor 
any other which could be imagined, can justify the crime 
of murder. It is true, the laws of Rome at that time gave 
the parent an uncontrolled authority over his child; it 
was then the frequent practice of parents to deprive their 
children of liberty, and inflict upon them the severest 
punishments at their pleasure; nor could they be arraigned 
and condemned for the murder of their offspring, as in 
all other cases of homicide. Yet reason and conscience, 
independently of Revelation, might have taught the 
Roman father, that the Author of Life has alone a 
supreme right over it; and that to deprive ourselves or 
others of that existence which he has imparted, is to in¬ 
fringe upon his sacred prerogative. Genuine and enlight¬ 
ened piety would have suggested under such circum¬ 
stances, to refer the cause to Him who is “ a refuge for 
the oppressed,” and after having used all prudent and 
lawful means of self-defence, confidently to expect that 
deliverance, which God will assuredly work out, in the 
hour of extremity, for those who trust in him. Yet who 
can severely blame the immolation of this fair victim 
upon the altar of chastity, when the prevailing ignorance 
of the times, and virtuous affection which prompted the 
rash act, are duly considered ? Who is not constrained 
to admire, (although that admiration must be mingled 
with regret,) the delicacy and moral susceptibility of that 
parent, who chose rather to weep over a daughter’s urn, 
than to witness her disgrace; and who even preferred to 
become her executioner, by inflicting the mortal wound, 
rather than to see her vitiated and defiled, the subject of 
brutal violence, and the prey of a lawless libertine ? 

But if such be the anguish, the torture, the mental 
distraction of a virtuous parent, who has cause to appre- 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


S8 

bend the irreparable disgrace of liis endeared offspring, 
■what inhuman monsters must they be who can sport with 
these acute and honourable feelings, and purchase a 
moment’s criminal gratification at such a price ? It were, 
however, fruitless to expostulate with those who are deaf 
to the remonstrances of conscience, and the terrors of the 
divine law, on the heart-rending distresses to which they 
subject many a virtuous mind, and the grey hairs they 
bring with sorrow to the grave. For if the more solemn 
considerations of death and eternity fail to impress the 
mind—if they are insufficient to impose any permanent 
restraint upon the licentious passions of the youthful pro¬ 
fligate, it can scarcely be expected that he will yield to 
the mere force of sympathy, or to the feebler influence of 
natural feeling. How are the justice and wisdom of 
God displayed in making sinful passions the scourge of 
the individual who indulges them ! In seeking to gratify 
his vile desires, Appius hurled himself from his seat of 
power, and brought destruction on himself and his 
associates. Thus does the Righteous Judge not only 
make the conscience of the sinner his tormentor, but also 
in many instances, the hand of the sinner his own 
avenger; and those sins, in which he most delighted, 
become the instruments of his punishment and disgrace. 

How many have read with the deepest interest the 
tragical tale of Virginia’s death,who either pass unnoticed, 
or read with perfect indifference, the infinitely more touch¬ 
ing narrative of the sufferings of the Redeemer! And yet 
what was there in the former case to excite sympathy which 
does not exist in a far higher degree in the latter ? Was 
Virginia innocent—her innocence becomes deformity and 
pollution itself, when contrasted with the purity of Him, 
who was “ holy, harmless, undefiled, and separate from 
sinners.” Was it a father’s hand that inflicted the mortal 
wound—thus (if we may with becoming reverence 
allude to so awful a subject,) thus did the Eternal Father 
not spare his own Son! The sentence went forth, 
<( Awake, O sword, against the Shepherd, and against 
the man that is my fellow, saith the Lord and imme¬ 
diately the sword of divine vengeance was sheathed in the 
spotless bosom of the Incarnate Son of God. Or, finally 5 


ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. S9 

did Virginia’s death procure liberty fo^ an oppressed 
people—how much more glorious the liberty wherewith 
Christ has made his people free! When he came, “ tra¬ 
velling in the greatness of his strength, mighty to save,” 
—when He “redeemed us to God by his blood,”—the 
yoke of oppression was broken—salvation was proclaimed 
to the ends of the earth—and Satan, the infernal tyrant, 
“ fell like lightning from heaven!” 


ESSAY XI. 

On the Creation of Military Tribunes , and Censors.— 
Camillus. — Rome taken by the Gauls. 

from A. C. 448—389. 

The Republic had scarcely escaped one danger, 
before it was exposed to another of almost equal magni¬ 
tude, though from an opposite quarter. The new Tri¬ 
bunes, whose re-establishment the people had witnessed 
with so much satisfaction, conceived the design of render¬ 
ing their office perpetual; and, the more effectually to 
secure this object, proposed that Horatius and Valerius, 
the two popular Consuls, to whom the Romans were so 
greatly indebted for the restoration of their liberties, 
should also retain the supreme magistracy. But this new 
conspiracy against the commonwealth was frustrated by 
the moderation and firmness of Duilius, one of the Tri¬ 
bunes, w ho steadfastly opposed the ambitious project; 
and by the inflexible patriotism of the Consuls, who 
could not be prevailed upon to accept of the prolonga¬ 
tion of their authority. From these domestic feuds, the 
public attention was for a time diverted by foreign wars, 
in which the Romans were uniformly successful; parti¬ 
cularly during the consulship of T. Quintius, who was 
no less esteemed for the wisdom of his counsels, than for 
the splendour of his victories. 

After the lapse of a few years, a new subject of conten- 




90 


STUDIES IN HISTOEY. 


BOOK K 


tion arose to which it would be unnecessary to adverb 
but that it led to an important change in the government 
of the republic, and to the constitution of two new 
offices. The plebeians complained of the injustice of 
those laws which prohibited patricians from intermarry¬ 
ing with their order, and by which they were excluded 
from the consulship. Cornelius, one of the Tribunes, 
assured the Senate of his determination to oppose all 
levies of troops, till these obnoxious laws should, be 
repealed. After much discussion, the law which related 
to the intermarriage of patricians with plebeians was abro¬ 
gated ; and that which excluded plebeians from the con¬ 
sulate was virtually relinquished by the institution of a 
new order of magistrates, endowed with consular autho¬ 
rity, half of whom might be of plebeian rank. These 
magistrates, who were called Military Tribunes, from 
their being entrusted with the command of the Roman 
armies, continued, through a long series of years, to inter¬ 
rupt the regular succession of Consuls ; sc that, whenever 
the people gained tlie ascendancy, Military Tribunes 
were chosen; but when the patricians prevailed, Consuls 
W'ere re-elected. About the same time, the increased 
population of Rome and its dependencies, rendered it 
necessary to appoint officers to superintend the census, 
which, according to the laws of Rome, was to be taken 
every fifth year. These officers were called Censors, and 
were at first intended solely to relieve the Consuls or 
Military Tribunes of a subordinate part of their burden ; 
but by degrees they rose to such dignity and importance, 
that the censorship became the most dignified and 
desirable office in the state. The Censors were the 
official inspectors of public morals, who could at their 
pleasure degrade persons of senatorial or equestrian rank, 
or exclude plebeians from their privilege of voting at 
public assemblies. This formidable power was at first 
entrusted to none but patricians of established reputation, 
who continued in office five years; but afterwards, that, 
as well as every other civil dignity, was open to plebeians, 
in common with those of patrician rank, and its duration 
considerably abridged. 

The attentive reader of the preceding pages must 


ESSAY XI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


91 


have observed that the Vcientes were amongst the most 
formidable and enterprising enemies of Rome. Scarcely 
a league was formed amongst the Italian states of which 
they were not the instigators and promoters. No sooner 
did a faction disturb the tranquillity of the republic, than 
the Veientes availed themselves of the circumstance to 
ravage its territories with tire and sword. Though fre¬ 
quently repulsed and defeated with great loss, the citizens 
of Veii were ever ready to renew the attack with unabated 
vigour. Aware that security could not be enjoyed so 
long as this rival city flourished, or rather, desirous of 
enriching themselves with (he spoils of so wealthy a 
capital, the Romans determined to wage a war not of 
conquest merely, but of extermination. The task proved 
difficult, and long continued to baffle their most vigorous 
efforts. It was necessary to keep armies on foot year 
after year, andsto carry on their military operations both 
during the winter and summer season. This necessity 
involved another, that of levying taxes for the payment 
of the troops, who had hitherto served gratuitously, and 
furnished themselves with arms and provision, without 
expectation of any other reward, than that which their 
valour might wrest from the enemy’s grasp. The practice 
of keeping standing armies, hired lor the work of de¬ 
struction, and of drawing a line of demarcation between 
the soldier and the citizen, may be distinctly traced from 
this period of Roman history—a practice which cer¬ 
tainly led to the aggrandizement of the republic, but 
which, with no less certainty, accelerated its fall. 

Alter nearly ten years had been consumed in an ardu¬ 
ous and doubtful contest, it was determined to elevate 
M. Furius Camillas to the dictatorship—a general, whose 
consummate skill and personal valour had been fre¬ 
quently put to the test, and had never failed. Nor were 
the expectations of his fellow-citizens deceived on this 
occasion, lor the appearance of so illustrious a com¬ 
mander at the head of the armies, in the revered cha¬ 
racter of a Dictator, was of itself sufficient to rouse the 
courage and revive the hopes of the soldiers. Under his 
auspices, the siege of Veii was carried on with such 
vigour and success, that at length that strongly fortified 


i 


92 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

city, the bulwark of Etruria, and the most illustrious in 
arts and arms of all the Italian commonwealths, was 
taken by storm. The plunder was immense, all of which 
was divided amongst the troops who had sustained the 
hardships and perils of the siege, and such of the Roman 
citizens as had, previously to the attack, repaired to the 
Dictator’s standard. The tidings of the capture of Veil 
occasioned the most rapturousjoy throughout the republic 
•—a splendid triumph was decreed to the conqueror, and 
four successive days were employed in public thanks¬ 
givings. 

The popularity of Camillus, proved however but of 
short duration. His demand of a tenth of the spoils to 
be consecrated to Apollo, (according to a vow which he 
had made in the hour of danger, but which in the 
moment of victory had been forgotten)—the extraor¬ 
dinary pomp in which he had entered the capital on the 
day of triumph—and the opposition afterwards made by 
him to some popular measures, were circumstances which 
concurred to render him an object of jealousy and aversion. 
His enemies at last proceeded so far as to prosecute him 
for the supposed offence of having embezzled theproperty 
of the state. Indignant at such a base and groundless 
accusation, he retired from Rome before the day of trial; 
and, as he passed through the gate of the city, is said to 
have prayed u that some speedy calamity might con¬ 
vince his ungrateful countrymen of their error, and con¬ 
strain them to recall him for their defence.” The super¬ 
stition of the people led them to believe that the destruc¬ 
tion of their city, which quickly followed the retreat of 
Camillus, was a consequence of these imprecations, and 
a proof of the displeasure of the gods at their ingratitude 
to the benefactor and guardian of the republic. 

The Gallic invasion, which proved so calamitous in 
its effects, originated in the imprudence of three Roman 
youths of the Fabian family, w ho were sent to mediate 
between the inhabitants of Clusium, a small city of Tus¬ 
cany, and Rrennus the leader of the Transalpine Gauls. 
Unmindful of the character they sustained, as Roman 
ambassadors, and irritated by the imperious conduct of 
Rrennus, these ardent youths became the partizans of the 


ESSAY xr. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


93 


Clusini, incited them to arms, and even headed their 
troops in an assault, in which several of the Gauls were 
slain. This violation of honour and justice exasperated 
Brennus in so high a degree, that he determined to raise 
the siege of Clusium, and turn his arms against the 
Romans, who had sanctioned the treachery of their am¬ 
bassadors by refusing to deliver them up to his heralds. 
He marched at the head of a numerous army through the 
lesser Italian states, and the countries which were tribu¬ 
tary to the Romans, without meeting with any obstruction 
till he arrived at the river Allia, a few miles distant from 
the capital, where he encountered and completely routed 
the Roman army. If Brennus had followed up this vic¬ 
tory by hastening to Rome, there can be no doubt that 
the city would have fallen an easy prey, and the Roman 
name had probably been extinguished for ever. But the 
conquerors continued on the field of battle two days, 
plundering the Roman camp, and indulging in every 
kind of excess, by which means sufficient time was given 
to the Romans to send away their wives and children, and 
to fill the Capitol with troops, military stores, and provi¬ 
sions. On the third day after the battle the Gauls marched 
forward to the city, and were surprised to find its gates 
open, its walls, streets, and houses completely deserted, 
without the smallest attempt having been made to defend 
them. On entering the senate-house, they were still more 
surprised to find there eighty venerable patricians, seated 
in their ivory chairs, drest in their most splendid sena¬ 
torial robes, and holding in their hands the wands of 
office; who maintained a profound silence, and waited, 
with an unmoved countenance, the approach of the 
enemy. At first the Gauls contemplated these hoary- 
headed Senators with a species of veneration, as though 
they had been the tutelar deities of Rome; but when one 
of the most courageous among them, presuming to touch 
the beard of Papirius, received in return a severe blow 
from that senator’s ivory Wand, the barbarians were so 
irritated, as to draw their swords, and murder without 
distinction this unresisting and venerable band. The 
whole city was then given up to plunder, and quickly 
reduced to ashes. 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


94 


The hill -on which the Roman Capitol was built was 
so difficult of access, and so well defended, that Brennus 
was unable to make any impression upon it by open 
assault, lie could therefore only hope to reduce this 
important garrison, which contained all the remaining 
strength of Rome, by a protracted siege, and cutting off 
every source of supply. In the mean time, he was 
himself harassed by Camillus, who no longer remem¬ 
bered the ingratitude of his countrymen, but hastened to 
their relief with such forces as lie could collect from the 
scattered fugitives of the vanquished Romau army. 
Whilst this enterprising general was preparing to co¬ 
operate with his besieged fellow-citizens, the Capitol 
was nearly taken by surprise. The traces of footsteps 
were observed by some of the soldiers of Brennus leading 
up to the Capitol, by a steep and rugged way which 
liad hitherto been considered inaccessible, and conse¬ 
quently had been left unguarded. The footsteps were 
those of a Roman youth, who had undertaken to bear to 
Camillus a commission from the Roman Senate, appoint¬ 
ing him Dictator, and entreating him to hasten to their 
relief. By this track a select corps of Gauls attempted 
at midnight to climb unobserved to the citadel, and 
would have succeeded, but for the alarm given by some 
sacred geese kept in the temple of Juno, which aroused 
the guard, and afforded an opportunity to Manlius, a 
patrician of distinguished valour, to defend the rampart 
with his single arm, till his colleagues came to his 
assistance. After the siege had lasted more than six 
months, both parties were reduced to almost equal extre¬ 
mities, and Brennus beginning to despair of reducing * 
the garrison, offered to raise the siege upon the payment 
of a thousand pounds weight of gold. The famished 
Romans eagerly accepted of the proposal, arid were in 
the act of weighing out the gold, when Camillus arrived 
at the head of a formidable army, and proceeding to the 
place of conference, commanded the gold to be carried 
back to the Capitol, exclaiming w ith a tone of authority, 
u The Romans are wont to purchase their freedom, not 
with gold, but with iron.” The treaty being thus 
abruptly broken off, both parties prepared for battle, 


"ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 95 

and the Gauls were completely vanquished. A few of 
the rude invaders escaped by flight, but by far the 
greater part perished amidst the ruins of the desolated 
city. 

After the annihilation of the Gallic army, a question 
arose amongst the Romans, whether they should proceed 
lo rebuild the city, or remove to Veii, within whose walls 
many of their fellow-citizens had already found a shelter. 
The Tribunes of the people strenuously contended for 
the latter proposition, but Camillas, aided by the super¬ 
stitious of the people, who adhered to the tombs of their 
forefathers, and the ruins of their ancient temples, ob¬ 
tained a vote in favour of the former. The work pro¬ 
ceeded! with such rapidity, that in less than twelve 
months, the city was rebuilt, though much of its former 
magnificence was lost, and most of the public records 
were irrecoverably destroyed. 

Pint. in vit. Camill. Liv. Hist. lib. 3, 4 , 6. Dionys. Hal. lib. 11. 


REFLECTIONS. 

* / ^ . 

How numerous and diversified are the dangers which 
beset us in every walk of life I Whether we move in a 
private or in a more public sphere, whether the station 
we occupy be elevated or obscure, it is impossible to 
ovoid them ; it is the part of wisdom and prudence to be 
prepared for them. For those are the most formidable 
dangers which are least expected and feared, and which 
overtake us, as we are taught to believe the day of 
judgment will overtake impenitent sinners, i( like a thief 
in the night.'” It was thus that the Romans were unex¬ 
pectedly threatened with the subversion of their liberties, 
not from the patricians whom they had been accustomed 
to consider inimical to them, but from their own Tribunes, 
those in whom they confided, as the guardians of their 
most sacred rights. Thus too were they suddenly 
conquered and desolated, not by their ancient enemies, 
the FI etrurians or Sabines, whom they most feared, but 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK, i; 


96 


by a host of barbarians, whom they were neither prepared 
to expect or resist. So has it been often seen, that those 
who were in some measure guarded against outward 
temptation, have yielded to the seductions of their own 
depraved minds; and those who have stood firm amidst 
the perils of public life, have afterwards fallen in solitude 
and retirement. Let none therefore fancy themselves 
secure, even though placed in circumstances which may 
appear to be most favourable to moral and religious im¬ 
provement; but let him “ that thinks he stands, take 
heed lest he fall.” 

In the character of Camillus, there are many interest¬ 
ing traits, though mingled with others which are less 
attractive; we cannot but admire his generous patriotism, 
his steady perseverance in the execution of those perilous 
services to which he was called by his country, and his 
promptness to succour, in the hour of their extremity, 
those who had traduced and injured him. The part he 
acted was noble, when compared with that of Coriolanus; 
for instead of seeking to avenge his wrongs, by joining 
the standard of his country’s foes, he calmly waited 
at Ardea, the moment in which he might again prove 
himself the benefactor and preserver of Home. From 
such an example, let not Christians disdain to learn the 
duty of forgiving injuries and overcoming evil with 
good. Yet there is one instance in which the conduct of 
this great man (for such lie must unquestionably be 
considered) falls far beneath the standard at which we 
should aim. In the moment of irritation and weakness 
he could not refrain from invoking speedy calamities 
upon those who had falsely accused him. But no irritated 
state of feeling, no temporary weakness, will excuse 
those, who having the precepts of the Gospel, the law of 
Benevolence and Love, emblazoned before their eyes, 
indulge a similar temper towards even their worst ene¬ 
mies. While contemplating such a character as that 
of Camillus, in which wisdom was happily combined 
with courage, prudence with ardour, perseverance with 
decision, who can forbear to utter a wish, that energies 
like those which he and many other illustrious generals 
have employed for the destruction of mankind, were 



ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 97 

exerted for their preservation and happiness—and that * 
the same fervent zeal, the same invincible courage, the 
same determined perseverance, were brought to bear upon 
the moral and religious interests of the human race. 

How unlike is that faint gleam which stoicism shed 
over the last moments of its votaries, to the bright and 
celestial glow which gilds the shade of death, while the 
humble believer in Jesus is passing through it. There 
■was, it is true, a sort of philosophical dignity, a proud 
serenity exhibited by the aged senators, who either from 
motives of superstition or patriotism devoted themselves 
to death. But how unlike was this to the sacred heroism 
of those primitive confessors and martyrs who counted 
not their lives dear to them, so that they might finish 
their course with joy; who shrunk not back from the 
flaming sword of persecution, when it was brandished in 
their faces; who endured, not with stoical apathy, but 
under the influence of a triumphant faith—not from the 
hope of posthumous fame, but in the expectation of 
obtaining a better resurrection. 

We have seen that though the city which bare that 
name was reduced to ashes bv a fierce ^nd vindictive foe, 
yet Rome herself survived the general desolation. Her 
Avails indeed were levelled with the ground, her temples 
and palaces became a mass of ruins, and scarcely a trace 
remained of her former greatness ; yet there was apart in 
which the essence, the vitality of Rome consisted, which 
was beyond the reach of the stern invader. Thus too 
there is a spiritual, an immortal part of man, which the 
last enemy cannot touch. It is (rue, the body may, and 
assuredly will, become his prey; the earthly house of this 
tabernacle must be dissolved : the material temple, which 
was reared by the Divine Architect with consummate 
skill and wisdom, shall be laid in ruins, and all the visible 
pomp and external splendour of man will perish—but the 
imperishable soul will still exist, it will renew its youth, 
and continue to flourish through eternal ages. 


t 


F 


98 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


ESSAY XII. 

A General View of the Religion, Philosophy, and Litera¬ 
ture of the Romans , during the Just Period oj their 
History . 

The calamity which befel the Romans in the capture 
and conflagration of their city, was attended with irrepar¬ 
able loss, since it involved the destruction of most of the 
public records and monuments of antiquity, which 
former ages had accumulated. After the most diligent 
search none of these could be discovered amongst the 
mass of ruins, except some fragments of ancient treaties 
with neighbouring states, which had been engraven on 
pillars erected for that purpose, and some of the laws of 
the i: twelve Tables,” which (as mentioned in a former 
essay) had been inscribed on plates of brass, and sus¬ 
pended in the forum. These slender vestiges of authentic 
history were manifestly insufficient to enable posterity to 
judge with accuracy or certainty of the progress which 
had been made in civilization and learning. Yet such 
traces as have been found, are too interesting to be 
wholly unnoticed, and too valuable to be entirely for¬ 
gotten. It is therefore proposed in the present essay to 
offer such remarks on the state of religion, philosophy 
and literature, amongst the Romans in this early period 
of their history, as either these vestiges, or ancient tradi¬ 
tion may appear to justify. 

It is abundantly evident, that the religion of the 
Romans was a system of the most gross and extrava¬ 
gant superstition. Of this, the number and variety of 
their gods and goddesses, their priests and priestesses, 
their temples and altars, their rites and ceremonies, their 
auguries and divinations, furnish the most decisive proofs.' 
The most trifling circumstances were construed by this 
superstitions people into favourable or adverse omens; 
the most ordinary undertaking called for the interference 
of a multitude of soothsayers and aruspices. If a mili¬ 
tary expedition were undertaken—a public assembly 


ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 99 

convened—a plague visited the land—or if families or 
individuals were overtaken with sudden calamities, re¬ 
course was immediately had to the most unmeaning and 
even ridiculous ceremonies, by which they confidently 
expected to appease the wrath, and secure the favour of 
the deity. Nor were these superstitious practices con¬ 
fined to the infancy of Rome, when its inhabitants were 
just merging from barbarism; but they continued in full 
force, after many centuries had elapsed, and after the 
republic had grown to full vigour and maturity. They 
were not the superstitions of the vulgar alone, but t} r ran- 
nized (if not in an equal, yet to a considerable degree,) 
over the minds of the wisest senators and most enlisrht- 
cned statesmen, at a period in which the policy of their 
councils, and the discipline of their armies, excited uni¬ 
versal admiration. The most illustrious citizen of Rome, 
for example, did not think it beneath him to be created 
Dictator, in a time of pestilence, for the sole purpose of 
driving a nail into the wall of the temple of Jupiter Capi- 
tolinus; a ceremony which was considered most sacred, 
and never failed to propitiate the offended deity! 
Although it does not appear that the Romans bad any 
oracles peculiar to themselves, (since in ordinary cases 
they were satisfied with auguries and sacrifices,) yet on 
special occasions, they were accustomed to dispatch mes¬ 
sengers to Delphos, laden with costly gifts, to consult the 
celebrated oracle of Apollo in that place. Besides these 
more usual methods of ascertaining the will of the gods, 
and discovering future events, they possessed the ancient 
Sibylline books,* which Tarquin was said to have pur- 


* Though the account which has been given by ancient his¬ 
torians of the first discovery of these Sibylline volumes must be 
considered fabulous, yet as it tends to shew the credulity and 
superstition of the Romans, and as the books themselves (how¬ 
ever obtained) were hedd for many ages in the Highest veneration, 
it may not be improper to insert it in this place. A woman is 
said to have entered the palace of Tarquin with nine volumes, 
which she olFered for sale at a very considerable price. The sum 
demanded having been refused her, she burnt three, and returned 
to offer the remaining six at the same price. This claim being 
rejected with scorn, she burnt three more, and still demanded 



STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK Ic 


100 

chased of a mysterious stranger, and which were never 
consulted but on the most solemn and urgent occasions. 

A manifest difference may be observed between the 
developement of the intellectual faculties in Greece and 
in Rome, and the objects to which they were first applied. 
In Greece the richest fruils of taste and genius were 
gathered at a very early period. Long before any con¬ 
siderable progress had been made in civilization and the 
arts, poetry had attained its noblest elevation iri the im¬ 
mortal productions of Homer, Hesiod, and others. But 
in Rome, philosophy took the precedence, and long 
retained an undisputed sovereignty, while the improve¬ 
ments of science, and the refinements of taste, were alike 
unknown. There is no reason to imagine that an indivi¬ 
dual arose, through all the centuries between the days of 
Romulus and those of Camillus, who cultivated the art 
of poetry with any degree of success; but a variety of 
circumstances tends to prove, that, during that period, 
philosophy had made considerable progress. Numa, the 
second of the kings of Rome, wrote several treatises on 
this subject; and indeed seems to have been more distin¬ 
guished as a philosopher than as a prince. Pythagoras 
flourished in Italy about the time of the expulsion of the 
Tarquins, and is supposed to have been enrolled at that 
period amongst the Roman citizens. Though no infor¬ 
mation has been transmitted to posterity, of the establish¬ 
ment of schools of philosophy under distinguished 
leaders, the national character of the Romans, and the 
conduct of their most illustrious citizens in circumstances 
peculiarly trying, prove that a species of stoical philo¬ 
sophy had been imbibed by education, and was subse¬ 
quently reduced to practice; a philosophy that chiefly 
consisted in equinimity of temper, and self-government; 
that condemned every violent emotion, as effeminate and 


the same money for the rest. This strange conduct at length en¬ 
gaged the attention of Tarquin, who, on consulting the augurs, 
was advised to buy them at any price. No sooner was the 
bargain completed, than the mysterious female vanished, nor 
could she ever after be discovered. The books were entrusted 
to the care of two officers of distinction, called Duumviri , who de¬ 
posited them in avaultbeneath the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. 



ESSAY XII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


m 


degrading to the character; and that required its votaries 
to triumph over all the sympathies and sensibilities of their 
nature. 

But that species of knowledge which seems most of all 
to have interested the Romans at this period, and which 
was pursued with most success, was, the Science of Legis¬ 
lation. Unlike the Athenians and Spartans, w ho adopted 
the codes devised by their respective Legislators, which 
they bound themselves by oath to observe without alter¬ 
ation or improvement, the Romans continually applied 
the advantages of observation and experience to the im¬ 
provement of their civil and judicial code; for though 
the laws of Numa formed a valuable basis to their system 
of jurisprudence, yet even these were no longer observed 
than their utility and justice were demonstrable. The, 
first collection oflaws promulgated in Rome, were those 
compiled by Sextus Papirius, in the reign of Tarquin II., 
from the statutes of Romulus, Numa, and their successors. 
But as the abolition of royalty rendered many of these 
useless, it became necessary to frame a second code, 
which has been already mentioned, as arranged by the 
Decemviri in twelve tables, and collected from different 
parts of Greece. To the excellency of these institutes, 
Cicero has borne a most honourable testimony, by affirm¬ 
ing “ that they may justly be preferred to whole libraries 
of philosophical writings.” They were divided into 
three classes; those which related to religion; those con¬ 
nected with the state; and those which maintained the 
rights of individuals. 

In every free state, where legislative questions are 
openly discussed, and deliberative assemblies held, the re¬ 
sult will be, as in the Roman republic, that distinction will 
be sought by the introduction of such laws, as tend either 
to increase the popularity of the individuals who propose 
them, or to gratify the wishes of the public. Hence 
arose the Valerian, Terentian, and Agrarian Laws, with 
many others, that proved perpetual sources of discord 
between the two contending factions. Every candidate 
for political influence or fame, aimed at signalizing him¬ 
self by carrying, either in the Senate, or in a general 
assembly, some regulation which should bear his name, 


102 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK I. 

and for which the public should be chiefly indebted to 
his exertions. Such a mode of legislation, it must be 
confessed, was most unfavourable to peace, though it was 
calculated to cherish competition, and give scope to the 
Commanding influence of superior talents. 

The same causes, which conspired to form a nation 
of legislators, operated to produce that bold and per¬ 
suasive eloquence, which commenced with the rise, and 
scarcely survived the fail of the Roman republic. It is 
true, the species of eloquence which was cultivated in the 
first ages, and successfully practised by Brutus, Publi- 
cola, Coriolanus, and others, was widely different from 
the graceful oratory of the Ciceronian age. It was not 
characterized by refinement of thought or elegance of 
expression. Little regard was probably paid to rules of 
criticism, and canons of taste, in the collocation of their 
words, the structure of their sentences, or the mode of 
their delivery. But if any reliance can be placed upon 
the testimony of ancient historians, Rome’s first orators 
were well skilled in the art of persuasion; they knew 
how to command the passions and appeal to the heart; 
their energetic addresses seldom failed to make a deep 
and lasting impression upon the minds of their auditors. 
The senate-house and the forum were places particularly 
favourable to the cultivation of this talent, and the prac¬ 
tice of pronouncing funeral orations for deceased warriors 
and statesmen, was calculated to cherish and dignify the 
rhetorical art. 

But, in the judgment of this martial people, no art 
could be compared in importance or excellence to the art 
of rear. If all others were not sacrificed to this, they 
were considered subordinate and far inferior. To this 
the Roman youth were trained from their childhood; 
this, they were taught to consider the chief business of 
life; and the surest path to preferment was that which 
lay through citadels and camps, and which was pursued 
amidst the toils and hardships of a military life. A 
people thus animated by a martial enthusiasm, could 
scarcely be expected to attain to eminence in any of the 
softer and more polished arts of peace. General literature, 
under such circumstances, could not be cultivated with 


ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 103 

• 

success; nor is it surprising to find that the whole popu¬ 
lation of Rome could not furnish a sufficient number of 
scholars to form a deputation to the Grecian states; but 
that it was necessary to engage Hermodorus of Ephesus, 
in the double capacity of interpreter and translator to 
the embassy. The rude and tasteless manner in which 
the city was rebuilt, and the long series of years subse¬ 
quent to that event, which rolled away in ignorance and 
mental obscurity, sufficiently prove the low estate in 
which the liberal or useful arts, and every species of 
literature, must have remained amongst this warlike 
people, long after they had risen to political eminence, 
and even to the time of the Gallic invasion. 

Collected from Plutarch. Pliny. Cicer. de Di\in. et de 
Orat. Tit. Civ. Op. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

No objects can be imagined of greater magnitude and 
importance than those which the idolatrous heathen 
blindly pursued. They sought instruction in the will of 
the gods; they devised expedients for obtaining recon¬ 
ciliation with that Being whom they ignorantly wor¬ 
shipped, and whom they were conscious of having 
offended ; and they were anxious .to discover their 
future destiny. But how inadequate were the means 
employed to the attainment of these important ends * 
How utterly impossible was it, that they should arrive 
at a right knowledge of the divine will, by means of 
auguries and oracular delusions ! How vain was their 
fond expectation of appeasing the wrath of an offended 
Deity by means of their polluted sacrifices, and costly 
gifts! flow fruitless were all their inquiries into futu¬ 
rity, whether pursued amidst the lurid gloom of Super¬ 
stition, or aided by the feeble and illusive ray of false 
Philosophy ! No wonder that instead of coming to the 
knowledge of the truth, they were still more bewildered; 
that “ they became vain in their imaginations and their 


-104 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I. 


foolish heart was darkened.” Had this knowledge been 
sought by humble and fervent prayer—had it been stea¬ 
dily pursued in the way of holy obedience—had they 
resigned themselves to (he guidance of that light of 
reason and conscience, which enlightens every man that 
cometh into the world, they would have been convinced 
of the folly and delusion of their idolatrous rites, and of 
the necessity of divine illumination. But whatever diffi¬ 
culties the benighted heathen might encounter in the 
pursuit of this ail-important knowledge, it is incumbent 
upon us to be unfeignedly thankful that no such difficul¬ 
ties are encountered by us. The light of Revelation (as 
far as its benign ray has extended) has effectually dis¬ 
persed these dismal shades and scattered these awful 
delusions. The will of God respecting us is now dis¬ 
tinctly known—the means of reconciliation are fully dis¬ 
covered— u life and immortality are brought to light by 
the Gospel”—“ the darkness is past, and the true light 
now shineth.” We are therefore without excuse, if we 
fatally err, not knowing the scriptures. Fearful will 
be the condemnation of those, who “ hate the light, 
neither come to the light, lest their deeds should be 
reproved.” 

Ilow ffreat is the difference between the best of 
human laws, and that divine law which is the standard 
of virtue and holiness ! The former partake of all the 
imperfections which are common to our depraved nature. 
They are frequently accommodated to the passions and 
caprices of the human heart. They are partial in their 
influence and operation, and, as was remarkably seen 
in the most popular Roman laws, are sometime^ the 
fruitful source of discord and division. But none of 
these characters of imperfection and inefficiency will 
apply to the Holy Law of God. That is a perfect 
transcript of the unerring will of its divine Author, and 
affords demonstrative evidence of the purity of His 
nature, and the rectitude of His government. It makes 
no unhallowed compromises with sinners. It sacrifices 
nothing to meet the wishes, or indulge the propensities 
of a sensual mind, but ever inculcates in the most 
explicit and impressive terms, the necessity of universal 


ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 105 

holiness. Its language is, “ cleanse yourselves from all 
filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the 
fear of God.” <c Be ye therefore perfect, as your Father 
which is in heaven is perfect.” 

It is of importance to distinguish between the legiti¬ 
mate use of eloquence, and those degrading purposes to 
which it lias frequently been applied. When this pow¬ 
erful engine is employed for the purpose of vindicating 
the truth, or counteracting oppression ; when its forces 
are directed against all the bulwarks of tyranny, and the 
strong holds of profligacy and vice—its operations may 
be contemplated with unmingled satisfaction, and its 
success anticipated with ardent delight. As, for ex¬ 
ample, when Brutus represented so pathetically the 
injuries of Lucrctia, and declaimed with such persuasive 
eloquence against the guilty tyrant, as to hurl him from 
his throne and emancipate his enslaved country, it must 
be admitted by all, that seldom has this formidable 
weapon been more honourably or more successfully 
wielded. But if the rhetorical art be so prostituted as 
to subserve the interests of private ambition, or political 
dissension—if those who have cultivated it with attention, 
use it alone as a means of inflaming the passions and 
blinding the judgments of their auditors—if it be, like 
Pandora’s box, a fruitful source of confusion and every 
evil work—then assuredly it is to be deprecated as an 
engine of destruction, the more formidable on account of 
its attractive appearance, and insinuating mode of attack. 
Thus it is manifest, that the fierce contentions between 
the patricians and plebeians, to which frequent reference 
has been made in preceding essays, were both excited 
and cherished by the inflammatory harangues of the 
orators on either side, who elevated themselves at the 
expence of public tranquillity. Happy period, when 
this and every other species of hostility shall cease, and 
when every instrument of discord, every weapon of war, 
every engine of destruction, shall give place to the be» 
nignant influence and splendid triumphs of the Prince 
of Peace ! 

f 5 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 

THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


BOOK II. 


FROM THE REBUILDING OF THE CITY TO THE DEATH OF 

JULIUS C.ESAR. 


ESSAY I. 

* ’V, t ' ) 

Victories of Camillus — Condemnation of M. Manlius 
—First Plebeian Consul—Prcrtors and Curule JEdiles 
created—Death of Camillus. 

from A. C. 3S7—364. 

Whilst the Romans were diligently employed in re¬ 
constructing the dwellings of their forefathers, and the 
temples of their gods—ere yet they had obtained for 
their desolate families, a secure and tranquil abode—and 
while the unfinished capital was yet destitute of the walls 
and entrenchments necessary for its defence—the Vol- 
scians and Latins, judging it a favourable moment for the 
renewal of their ancient hostilities, made a sudden irrup¬ 
tion into the territories of the republic. The Military 
Tribunes hastened to take the field with such forces as 
they could suddenly collect; but either through undue 
precipitation, or a deficiency of the science and skill 
requisite for the undertaking, they brought themselves 
and their troops into such perilous circumstances, that 
their destruction seemed to be inevitable. In this exi¬ 
gency, every eye was directed to Camillus, who, though 








ESSAY I. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 107 

far advanced in years, consented again to be nominated 
Dictator, in a moment of the utmost alarm and danger, 
that he might again prove himself the Saviour of his 
Country. The usual success of Camillus attended him 
through this brilliant expedition, which commenced 
with the emancipation of the besieged Roman armies, 
and terminated in the complete overthrow of the in¬ 
vading foe. 

No sooner were these formidable enemies subdued, 
than internal contentions and domestic feuds disturbed 
afresh the public tranquillity. This new disturbance 
was occasioned by the vanity and ambition of M. Man¬ 
lius, to whom the Romans had been so greatly indebted 
for the preservation of the capitol, and who, on that 
account, had been treated by them with the greatest dis¬ 
tinction. Elated with the honours he had received, he 
either aimetl, or was suspected of aiming at the sove¬ 
reignty of Rome. He resorted to the usual arts of 
demagogues, in order to increase his popularity ; such as> 
the remission of debts, and the discharge of those who 
had contracted them, from imprisonment; the distribu¬ 
tion of his ample wealth amongst the discontented and 
seditious rabble ; and the revival of the proposition rela¬ 
tive to the division of land. The Senate took alarm at 
these measures, they discerned their obvious tendency; 
and felt the necessity of counteracting them*by a prompt 
and vigorous effort. Corn. Cossus, who was created 
Dictator for the express purpose of prosecuting this 
aspiring citizen, summoned Manlius before him, and 
committed him to prison, as an enemy to the liberties of 
Rome. But the Senate, through fear of the people, who 
at that time warmly espoused: his cause, consented to his 
liberation, as soon as the dictatorship of Cossus had 
expired. 

After his imprisonment, the conduct of Manlius 
became more seditious and dangerous than before. By 
degrees he threw aside the mask, and assumed a tone so 
imperious and unguarded, that the common people who 
had almost idolized, began to suspect him of an intention 
to subvert the constitution. And now the Tribunes of the 
people, in their turn, cited him before them, through 


108 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


whose influence he was condemned to be thrown from 
the Tarpeian rock; that rock which lie had once so 
bravely defended, and on the brow of which stood 
the capitol. It was also decreed, that his stately man¬ 
sion, which had been recently erected on the same hill 
at the public expence, should be utterly demolished; 
and that no Roman should be permitted in future to 
bear his name. Yet scarcely was this rigorous sentence 
executed, before the tickle populace began to regret 
his loss, and ascribed a pestilence, which raged about that 
time, to the displeasure of the gods at his death. 

Shortly after this event, a succession of important 
changes took place in the commonwealth, all of which 
grew out of a very trifling incident. M. Fabius Ambus- 
tus had two daughters, the elder of whom was married 
to S. Sulpicius, a distinguished patrician, at that time 
one of the Military Tribunes; and the younger was 
married to C. Licinius Sloio, an opulent plebeian. 
When, on one occasion, the wife of Licinius was visit¬ 
ing her elder sister, she was alarmed by the noise of the 
lietors, who, as usual, thundered at the door to announce 
the arrival of the chief magistrate. The wife of Sulpi- 
cious smiled at the terrors of her plebeian sister, and 
ascribed them to her ignorance of the honours usually 
paid to persons of patrician, and especially of consular 
rank. This explanation, so mortifying to the vanity of 
the younger, but more opulent sister, stung her to the 
quick. From that moment a deep melancholy took 
possession of her mind, which admitted of no relief, till 
its cause was removed, by the repeal of the law which 
excluded plebeians from the consulship. This was not 
accomplished without great difficulty, and after several 
years of warm discussion and violent agitation. At 
length however the point was carried, and Sextius, a 
plebeian youth of distinguished talents and liberal 
fortune, who had taken a most active part in the contest, 
was chosen the first plebeian Consul. Reluctant as the 
Patricians were to concede to the inferior order of their 
lellow-citizens the desired boon, its advantages were 
soon apparent in the augmented energy of the republic. 
The eligibility of all classes of Roman citizens to the 


ESSAY I. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME . 1 109 

highest offices in the state, and the removal of the invi¬ 
dious distinctions which had so long separated those of 
plebeian, from those of patrician rank, tended greatly to 
produce that vigour and prosperity which characterized 
the future ages of the commonwealth. About the same 
time two other laws were introduced, for which the 
Tribunes of the people had long and strenuously con¬ 
tended ; the one was intended to prevent usury by regu¬ 
lating the interest of money, and the other related to the 
division of the conquered lands. The latter of these, 
which prohibited a Roman citizen from possessing more 
than .500 acres, was commonly called the Lichrian Law; 
and C. Licinius Stolo, who introduced it, was the first 
that incurred its penalties. 

The enactment of these popular law's was owing 
principally to the influence and conciliatory counsels of 
Camillas, who sincerely lamented the continuance of 
civil dissension, and, after having greatly contributed to 
the restoration of peace, celebrated its return by dedi¬ 
cating a temple to Concord. In return for these impor¬ 
tant concessions, Camillus obtained the consent of the 
people to the creation of two new offices, which should 
exclusively belong to Patricians, under the titles of 
Prcetors and Curate JEdiles.* The Praetor was a species 
of police magistrate, authorized to try causes, hear com¬ 
plaints, and settle differences that arose within the city. 
He was attended on all occasions by two lictors, and 
considered next in rank to the Consuls. The Curule 
AEdiles were charged with the superintendence of all 
public entertainments, which had become exceedingly 
numerous, and called for the constant interference of the 
civil power. The Patricians did not, however, long 
retain the exclusive privilege of holding these offices; for 


* These officers were entitled Curule TEdiles, to distinguish 
them from those ASdiles, which have been mentioned in a former 
essay, who were of plebeian rank, and appointed to assist the 
Tribunes of the people in the execution of their office. They 
were called Curule, from the circumstance of their being carried 
about, as were also the Praetors and Consuls, in a sort of ivory 
chair, which was usually know n by the name of the “ Curule 
chair." 




110 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

after a very few years, these, as well as all other dignities, 
whether legislative or executive, civil or religious, were 
equally accessible to all classes of Roman citizens. These 
domestic arrangements took place about the time % iu 
which Camillus was elevated a fourth time to the office 
of Dictator, and at the age of fourscore obtained a com¬ 
plete victory over the Gauls, who had again advanced 
toward Rome. 

From this period, the republic enjoyed a state of 
tranquillity, during several years, which was only inter¬ 
rupted by a dreadful plague, that swept away many 
distinguished citizens, and, amongst the rest, tlie great 
Camillus himself, to whom more than to any other indi¬ 
vidual, Rome was indebted for her national existence. 
The protracted life of this justly celebrated Roman, was 
wholly devoted to disinterested and patriotic exertions, 
which have seldom been equalled, and never excelled. 
( Though cut off by a pestilence,’ Plutarch justly re¬ 
marks, ‘ that bis death could not be considered premature, 
whether estimated by the years he lived, or the distin¬ 
guished glory he acquired.’ Tempestuous as was the 
political sea which he was called to navigate, and 
shattered the bark at w hose helm he presided, he steered 
with such consummate skill, that neither the vessel nor 
his own reputation, which constituted a valuable part of 
the freight, suffered any injury. Nor was he called to 
quit the helm, till he had the satisfaction to see it tran¬ 
quilly gliding into the desired haven. 

Plut. in vit. Camill. Liv. lib. 5 et 6. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Every thing conspires to teach us that " this is not 
our rest.” In vain shall we have perused the records of 
antiquity if we do not learn from them, that human life 
is a mixture of toils and hazards, labours and dangers. 
As in the rebuilding of Rome, the inhabitants were 


ESSAY I. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


Ill 


constrained to leave their houses and temples unfinished, 
and go forth to meet an implacable foe ; or as, after the 
Babylonish captivity, the Jews who had been permitted 
to return to their own land, u with one hand wrought in 
th^work” of building the walls of their demolished city, 
and u with the other, held a weapon of war,”—so does 
it become us, whilst engaged in necessary duties and 
useful labours, to be prepared for the assault of our 
spiritual adversaries—to be on our guard against temp¬ 
tation—to combine prudence with zeal, and vigilance 
with activity. 

The want of these united qualities had nearly proved 
fatal to the Romans. The Military Tribunes, to whom 
^tlieir legions were entrusted, were not less zealous or less 
prompt in their exertions than Camillus; but they were 
rash, impetuous, and self-confident. They rushed, like a 
headstrong courser, into dangers from which they were 
unable to extricate themselves. True wisdom discovers 
itself not only in pursuing the best of objects, but in 
choosing the most prudent and effectual means, or, 
according to the advice of our Saviour, u in sitting down 
first, and counting the cost.” 

The elevation and fall of Manlius may serve to 
remind us—if indeed we need to be reminded of truths 
so self-evident—that there are few who can bear sudden 
and signal prosperity, and that those who have walked 
securely and honourably in the lowly vale of life, are in 
danger of becoming dizzy, when suddenly transported to 
the pinnacle of fame. Never have we greater cause for 
watchfulness and prayer, than when an unexpected train 
of events has led to a remarkable change of condition, 
and brought us into a sphere of action, or field of tempta¬ 
tion, to which we have hitherto been strangers. Then 
especially, if we would retain our integrity, we must 
“ keep our hearts with all diligence/’ and watch over 
ourselves with a godly jealousy. 

How persevering are the vain and ambitious in their 
pursuit of worldly honours! Frequent disappointments 
and the most strenuous opposition do not discourage them 
.—months and years consumed in an apparently unsuc¬ 
cessful struggle cannot deter them from their purpose— 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


112 

nor do they esteem the most painful sacrifices too great, 
so that the object of their ambition be ultimately attained. 
Would to God that an equal degree of firm and perse¬ 
vering industry were exhibited by the candidates ^or 
a celestial crown, in the pursuit of those immortal 
honours to which they are encouraged to aspire ! Such 
invincible perseverance directed towards spiritual objects 
could not fail to prove ultimately successful, whatever 
discouragements or difficulties might intervene. u Let 
us then hold fast the profession of our faith without 
wavering,’* assured that, in the issue, we shall u receive” 
the end of that faith, even the salvation of our souls.” 

Finally, It is matter of thankfulness* that whatever 
invidious, or, in some cases, necessary distinctions may 
be made amongst men, with God there is no respect 
of persons. Those of plebeian and those of patrician 
rank are alike permitted to aspire to the highest dignities 
in His kingdom. The path to glory, honour, and im¬ 
mortality, is equally accessible to all conditions of men. 
None are excluded from it but those who, by their wilful 
impenitence, exclude themselves. Whatever barriers 
human pride or human policy may place around the 
coveted dignities of this world, thanks be to God! the 
blessings of his grace are freely dispensed. All are 
invited—all are commanded—without reserve or dis¬ 
tinction, to come and receive, from his unmerited bounty, 
honours which will bloom for ever, and enjoyments 
which Eternity cannot exhaust. 


ESSAY II. 

On the Samnite War . 

from A. C. 343 to A. C. 280. 

The contagious disease which carried off Camillus, 
continued to rage with great violence, during several 
years subsequent to that event. In vain were expedients 




ESSAY 11. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 113 

devised by the superstitious multitude, and their no less 
superstitious rulers, to appease the offended deities of 
Rome, to whose displeasure they ascribed their present 
calamities. Though the ancient rite of the Lectuternium 
wasr revived on this occasion, and celebrated with the 
most solemn pomp—though scenic representations were 
now for the first time exhibited in honour of the gods— 
and though, as a last resource, a Dictator was created for 
the sole purpose of driving a nail into the temple of 
Jupiter Capitolinas—the pestilence still raged, and deso¬ 
lated the city. About the same lime, the terrors of the 
people were augmented by an earthquake, which caused 
the sudden appearance of a wide and deep chasm in the 
midst of the forum. Fruitless attempts were made to fill 
up this gulph ; the augurs were consulted on the occa¬ 
sion ; and it is even said, that M. Curtins, a noble Roman 
youth, mounted a richly caparisoned charger, and preci¬ 
pitated himself into the abyss. The deluded populace 
expressed their admiration of his piety and self-devotion, 
by throwing in after him such quantities of corn, fruits, 
and every other kind of oblation, that at length the chasm 
was filled up, and public tranquillity restored. 

L. Manlius, who had been created Dictator, was too 
ambitious to be satisfied that his high office should be 
signalized by nothing but the performance of a sacred 
rile. Instead of resigning the dictatorship, when that 
rite was performed, he projected a war with the Hernici, 
and began to levy troops for that purpose; but was frus¬ 
trated in his design, and obliged to abdicate his office, 
by the determined opposition of the Tribunes. Scarcely 
had he retired from the honourable station, to which his 
country had called him, when the Tribunes commenced a 
prosecution against him for injustice and cruelty to his 
son, T. Manlius, whom, on account of supposed intellec¬ 
tual weakness and other natural defects, the Dictatorhad 
secluded from public notice, and trained to agricultural 
occupations. But no sooner was this youth informed of 
the nature of the accusation, and of his father’s danger, 
than he hastened to Rome, rushed into the tribune’s 
apartment, and at the point of the sword, constrained him 
solemnly to swear that he would abandon the unjust pro- 


- STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK ir. 


in 


seciition. This generous act was highly applauded by 
the Romans, amongst whom filial piety was accounted a 
virtue of the first order. From this period, the younger 
Manlius, notwithstanding his natural infirmities, became 
a distinguished character, and was afterwards no less re¬ 
markable for his military prowess, than he had been for 
his filial affection. 

After several years had elapsed, which were chiefly 
spent in successful conflicts with some of the lesser Italian 
states, a war broke out which proved more formidable 
than any in which the Romans had yet been engaged. 
The Samnites, a warlike people, who inhabited an exten¬ 
sive and mountainous tract of territory extending from 
Latium to Apulia, according to the custom of those 
times, attacked their weaker neighbours, the Sidicini. 
The latter solicited aid from the Campanians, an opulent 
and luxurious people in their vicinity, who had been 
little accustomed to military labours and dangers. The 
Campanians, without staying to count the cost, espoused 
the cause of their oppressed neighbours, and the Sam¬ 
nites, tempted by the wealth and weakness of their new 
adversaries, withdrew their troops from the territories of 
the Sidicini, and poured them into the fruitful plains of 
Campania. Wholly unprepared for so arduous a con¬ 
flict, the Campanians were quickly reduced to the utmost 
extremity. In their distress, they dispatched ambassadors 
to Rome, who were empowered not only to solicit imme¬ 
diate succours in the most importunate manner, but, in 
case of refusal, were authorized formally to surrender the 
magnificent city of Capua, and the whole province of 
Campania, to the Roman commonwealth, as its legitimate 
and exclusive property. 

This was a proposal far too gratifying to Roman 
ambition to be refused, though a compliance would of 
necessity involve them in a war with a people whose 
military character they well knew, and with whom they 
had previously concluded a treaty of alliance. In vain 
did they assure the Samnites that Campania was no 
longer an independent state, but that it now formed a 
province ot their republic; and equally vain were the 
remonstrances of the latter against the craft, the injustice. 


ESSAY II. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


115 


the treachery of their former allies. An appeal was made 
to arms, which continued with little intermission upivards 
of forty years. During this long and severe contest, the 
Romans met with a greater variety of disasters, than at 
any former period of their history. Yet their valour and 
skill finally triumphed over all, and enabled them not 
only to obtain reparation for the disgrace they had 
repeatedly sustained during the conflict, but also to dic¬ 
tate a peace on their own terms. Instead of attempting 
a circumstantial detail of the transactions of this war, 
which would be both uninteresting and useless, two or 
three incidents will be selected, which occurred during 
that period, tending to illustrate the character and prin¬ 
ciples of the combatants, and calculated to convey moral 
instruction. 

Soon after the commencement of the war, several 
legions of Roman soldiers, which had wintered in the 
wealthy city of Capua, were detected in a conspiracy to 
seize that city, expel its inhabitants, throw off the yoke 
of subordination, and become their own masters. In so 
short a period had they become enervated by indulgence, 
and formed to the most irregular and licentious habits, in 
consequence of having associated with an effeminate and 
luxurious people. The Roman Consul, w ho commanded 
them, observed with alarm the depravation of their man¬ 
ners, and their growing neglect of military discipline, 
lie had recourse first to gentler, and then to severer 
measures, but all were ineffectual to correct the evil, and 
restore subordination. The mutineers deserted their 
standards, chose their own leader, and marched towards 
Rome in a tumultuous body. Alarmed at the approach 
of this rebellious army, the Roman citizens entreated the 
Consuls instantly to nominate a Dictator. Valerius 
Corvus, a man greatly beloved both by the army and the 
people, was appointed to that office, whose popularity 
and address saved his country from the horrors of a civil 
war, when that calamity seemed inevitable. By sooth¬ 
ing the passions of the malcontents, and making some 
trifling concessions in their favour, he induced them to 
return to tlicir allegiance, and renew their ancient disci¬ 
pline*. 


116 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK IT. 


During one of the truces concluded with the Samnifes 
in the course of this war, the Latins and Campanians 
revolted, and it was thought necessary to send both the 
Roman Consuls, Manlius and Decius, at the head of a 
veteran army, to reduce them to subjection. Before the 
armies engaged, the aruspices were, as usual, consulted, 
who intimated that the victory would be gained by that 
army, whose general should voluntarily devote himself 
to death. It was therefore agreed by the Consuls, that if 
either w ing of the army should be so pressed by the 
enemy as to be in danger of defeat, its commander 
should, with all due religious solemnities, sacrifice him¬ 
self for his country. Decius, who commanded the left 
wing, in the midst of the action, finding himself unable 
to maintain his ground, called for the Pontifex, whose 
office; it was to perform the ceremony of consecration, 
and having submitted to the customary rites, plunged 
into the thickest of the enemy’s ranks, amongst which he 
fell, covered with numberless wounds. Intelligence of 
this patriotic, and, as they imagined, pious action, 
quickly circulated through both armies, and served to 
heighten the enthusiasm of the one, and depress the 
spirits of the other. The Romans were encouraged by it 
to renew the charge, and the Latins, unnerved and dis¬ 
armed by their superstitious fear, fled before them. The 
Roman historians, who have recorded this event, do not 
hesitate to ascribe this victory solely to the piety and 
self-devotion of Decius; but, even from their statement, 
it is evident, that to the generalship of Manlius, and the 
invincible bravery of his troops, Rome was indebted for 
this new triumph over her enemies. 

In a more advanced stage of the Samnite war, a dis¬ 
aster befel the Roman army, under Posthumius, which 
tarnished all their former glory. Pontius, the Samnite 
general, contrived to entrap the Roman Consul and his 
whole army in the Caudine straits; a place entirely sur¬ 
rounded by mountains, in all whose defiles,. Pontius had 
stationed detachments of his army. Hemmed in ou 
every side, and hopeless of escape, the Romans had no 
alternative but to submit to the disgraceful conditions 
imposed upon them by the besieging army. These 


ESSAY IT. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 117 

'were, that the Consul and his army should pass under 
the yoke in token of subjection ; that after having sub¬ 
mitted to this degrading requisition, they should march 
back to Rome, deprived of their arms and of their 
upper garment; and that all the Romans and their 
colonies should be expelled from Samnium. In imposing 
these conditions, so repulsive to a high-spirited nation 
like the Romans, Pontius had acted in opposition to the 
counsel of his more experienced father, who had advised 
him, either to dismiss them honourably, or to put them 
to the sword. The event proved, that that advice was 
founded in wisdom, for the Romans, irritated but unsub¬ 
dued, quickly returned to the charge with augmented 
forces and more inveterate enmity, resolved to take 
ample vengeance on the Samnites for the indignity they 
had suffered. A series of sanguinary battles were fought, 
and a succession of splendid victories obtained, by 
which the disgrace which had attached to the Roman 
arms was wiped off, and the pride of Samnium effectually 
humbled. 

i 

Liv. Hist. lib. 7—9. Veil. Paterc. lib. I. Valer. Maxim, 
Aur«l. Viet. Eutrop. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

How strangely perverted were the understandings of 
these idolaters, who imagined that the wrath of an 
offended Deity might be averted by rites so frivolous 
and impure, as those which have been adverted to in the 
preceding narrative. Yet their perversion of mind is not 
less strange, and far more inexcusable, who, living under 
a brighter dispensation, and enjoying superior privileges, 
remain willingly ignorant of the means ot reconciliation 
and pardon; and flatter themselves that the punishment 
of sin may be avoided, and the divine favour obtained, 
by submitting to a course of religious ceremonies, or by 
the external observance of some relative duties. That 
some propitiatory sacrifice was necessary to the remission 



118 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


of sins, even the most benighted heathen seem to have 
discerned ; and that a sacrifice of superior dignity to 
those which were commonly ottered, would be accept¬ 
able to God, was generally believed. Hence arose the 
self-dedication of (Jurtius and Decius, and many others 
who devoted themselves to death, that they might appease 
the anger, or merit the favour of the gods. But alas* 
the Great Sacrifice for sin they knew not * As yet they 
were unacquainted with the only “ name given under 
heaven amongst men whereby we must be saved.” Thanks 
be to God ! our faith is directed to the atoning Saviour, 
who filled up the yawning gulph of divine vengeance, 
by precipitating himself into that dreadful abyss; and 
who saved, not a few individuals merely, but a perishing 
world from destruction, by the voluntary surrender of 
his life. 

From the conduct of the younger Manlius towards 
his parent when falsely accused, we may learn the duty 
of vindicating injured innocence, and endeavouring to 
wipe off reproach, especially from those who have the 
strongest claim upon our affections. We are not indeed, 
like him, to do this at the point of the sword; unlawful 
and violent measures are not to be resorted to, even in 
extreme cases; but all that persuasion, entreaty, or legiti¬ 
mate force can effect, ought to be exerted with the utmost 
diligence in order to cover the traducer with shame, and 
ward off from those who are unjustly aspersed the en¬ 
venomed shafts of calumny. 

The revolt of the Campanian legions exhibits to pos¬ 
terity another instance of the mischievous consequences 
of self-indulgence, and the contaminating influence of 
immoral associates, flow soon were the strong bonds of 
military discipline and all the restraints of a Roman 
education relaxed and broken asunder, amidst the dissi¬ 
pated scenes of the luxurious capital of Campania. It is 
thus that habits of sensual indulgence, and above all, 
licentious companions, have frequently broken down in a 
short time, the strongest barriers of moral discipline and 
religious education, and transformed a hopeful youth 
into an abandoned profligate. Yet if any have become 
the victims of temptation either through their own in- 


ESSAY III. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


119 


cautiousness, or the subtlety of their enemies, let them 
not resign themselves to despair. Let them remember 
that though the Romans were inveigled into the Caudine 
straits, and brought under a temporary yoke, yet, when 
escaped trom that snare they returned to the charge, and, 
by new conflicts, and victories, wiped off the disgrace, 
and vanquished their foes. So let those who have fallen 
into the snare of Satan or the world, arise and shake 
themselves from the dust—let them arm themselves 
afresh for the combat—let them seek new succours from 
above—again let them u go forth in the strength of the 
Lord God—and they may rest assured, “ tor their 
shame they shall have double, and for confusion they 
shall rejoice in their portion.” 


ESSAY III. 

On the Tarentine war, and the invasion of Italy by 
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. 

from A. C. 280—274. 

Hitherto the Romans had contended with nations, 
which, though frequently superior in numbers, and equal 
in courage, were far inferior to themselves in military 
arts and discipline. It is therefore not surprising, that in 
ihe end they uniformly proved victorious, and that every 
new contest but tended to enlarge their territory and 
augment their power. But the case was now far dif¬ 
ferent. The Tarentine war brought them into contact 
with the best disciplined troops, commanded by the 
most distinguished warrior of that, or perhaps any other 
age. They were under the necessity too of encountering 
this formidable enemy, while yet the Samnite war con¬ 
tinued to rage with great violence. Yd this little 
republic, like a well-constructed vessel, rose buoyant 
upon the billows of political discord, and pursued her 




120 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

majestic course amidst the tempest of hostile invasion; 
or, like the mountain oak, struck deeper her roots, and 
more widely expanded her branches, the more rudely 
she was assailed by the wintry blast. 

The Tarentines were a colony of degenerate Spartans, 
who, far from retaining any of the austere and self- 
denying habits of their Grecian ancestors, resigned them¬ 
selves to every species of luxury and dissipation. They 
were accustomed to devote all their hours of leisure to 
public amusements, and the unrestrained indulgence of 
their sensual appetites. It was in one of these seasons of 
riotous festivity, that some small Roman vessels were 
driven by stress of weather into the port of Tarentum, 
and the mariners were immediately assailed by the 
inebriated populace with reproaches, menaces, and ulti¬ 
mately, with unprovoked violence. As several Roman 
citizens were killed in this affray, the Senate sent a depu¬ 
tation to demand satisfaction, or, in case of refusal, to 
declare war. But this proud commercial city, uncon¬ 
scious of its weakness, or relying upon its foreign re¬ 
sources, treated the ambassadors with the grossest indig¬ 
nity, and defied all the legions of the Republic. Soon 
however the Tardntines had reason to repent of their 
rashness, for a Roman army v*ls sent under the command 
of yEmilius, one of the Consuls for that year, with orders 
to ravage their territories, and burn up their cities and 
villages. It was now too late to seek reconciliation— 
they were alike unprepared for assault or defence—the 
Romans, having desolated their country, were pressing 
forward to lay siege to their capital—and no alter¬ 
native remained, but to place themselves under the 
powerful protection of Pyrrhus, the warlike king of 
Epirus. 

Pyrrhus, who had attentively studied the character, 
and emulated the glory of Alexander of Macedon, list¬ 
ened witli eagerness to a proposal which gratified his 
ambition, and would lead, as lie fondly imagined, to 
conquests as splendid in the West, as those by which the 
Macedonian Hero had been distinguished in the East. 
Already lie pictured to liis imagination the whole of 
Italy, Sicily, and the Carthaginian empire, subdued by 



ESSAY III. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 121 

liis arms, and annexed to his hereditary kingdom. In 
the midst of these visionary schemes, a confidential friend, 
whom he had wisely selected as his official adviser, ven¬ 
tured to oppose his inclinations, and endeavoured to 
• dissuade him from undertaking so chimerical an expe¬ 
dition. This was the celebrated Cyneas, who had been 
a disciple of Demosthenes, and had so greatly profited 
by the instructions ot that far-famed orator, that Pyrrhus 
used to say, u he had won more cities by the eloquence 
of Cyneas than by his own sword.” This philosophical 
orator, in a long discourse with his sovereign, endea¬ 
voured to convince him, that if all his projects should 
be realized, he would still be as far as ever from satisfac¬ 
tion and rest. But Pyrrhus was deaf to the wise, though 
unwelcome counsels of his friend. lie obstinately per¬ 
sisted in his resolution of invading Italy, and lost no time 
in collecting anti embarking a numerous army, the 
greater part of which was dispersed by storms and adverse 
winds before it reached the Italian coast. The king of 
Epirus himself escaped with great difficulty, attended 
by a comparatively small number of veteran troops, who, 
having braved the dangers of the deep, arrived at Ta- 
rentuin, where he had been anxiously expected, and into 
whose citadel his soldiers were joyfully admitted. 

As soon as his reinforcements arrived, Pyrrhus took 
the field, and marched towards Lucania, where the 
' Roman Consul Laevinus awaited him, at the head of a 
numerous and well-appointed army. Pyrrhus offered 
him peace, but the Consul answered in the tone of defi¬ 
ance, that “ he neither acknowledged the king of Epirus 
as an arbitrator, nor leared him as an enemy.” In several 
of the first encounters, the Romans were defeated witii 
great loss, partly owing to their ignorance of the Grecian 
modes of warfare, and partly to the terror inspired by the 
armed elephants, which Pyrrhus had brought with him, 
and successfully employed in breaking the enemy’s ranks. ' 
Yet in these engagements such proofs had .been given of 
the invincible bravery of the Romans, that Pyrrhus was 
compelled to acknowledge, that “ a few such victories 
would be his ruin,” and that “ with such troops he 
should not despair of conquering the world.” He now 

G 


132 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

became more anxious than before to save his reputation 
by concluding an honourable peace with a people, whom, 
lie foresaw, he should never be able to subdue. Cyneas, 
the philosopher, was dispatched to Rome tor this pur¬ 
pose, who exhausted all his diplomatic arts and all the 
powers of his eloquence in a fruitless attempt to nego- 
ciate. In vain did he profusely scatter the costly gifts 
with which he was laden, amongst the Roman matrons; 
and equally vain were his attempts, to corrupt the most 
distinguished Senators by flattering promises, and the 
offer of magnificent presents. The firm and dignified 
answer given to ail his overtures, was, 44 that the Romans 
could enter into no treaty with Pyrrhus, till he had 
withdrawn his troops from Italy.” The Grecian ambas¬ 
sador returned to his master, filled indeed with admiration 
of the dignity of the Roman character, but completely 
foiled in the object of his embassy. When his sove¬ 
reign inquired, what opinion he had formed of the city 
and senate, he replied that, 44 to him Rome appeared 
as a sacred temple, and the Senate an assembly of 
kings.” • 

Notwithstanding the failure of this embassy, Pyrrhus 
attempted to renew the negociation, when Fabricius 
arrived at his camp, charged with a message from the 
Senate, relative to an exchange of prisoners. In several 
conferences with this distinguished Roman, the king of 
JEpirus had recourse to every art of seduction, which in 
former cases he had employed with success. He at¬ 
tempted at one time to dazzle him with the splendour 
and pomp of royalty; and at another, to terrify him 
with an exaggerated statement of his military resources. 
Offers of great wealth and high distinction were re¬ 
peatedly made by Pyrrhus, and indignantly spurned by 
the Roman ambassador. Notwithstanding the poverty 
of Fabricius, his fidelity was impregnable; neither flat¬ 
teries, nor promises, nor the most assiduous attentions of 
the prince and his courtiers, could move him from his 
purpose. He assured the king, that he valued a mind 
free from self-reproach, and an untarnished reputation, 
more highly than all the treasures and honours of the 
universe; and that he- was not the less esteemed by his 


ESSAY 111. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


m 


countrymen, or less qualified for the most important 
stations in the republic, on account of the poverty and 
apparent meanness of his condition. 

Soon afler this interview, Fabricius received a letter 
from the king’s physician, offering to administer poison 
to Pyrrhus, and thus at once terminate the war, if a 
suitable reward were given him. But Fabricius and his 
colleague iEmilius, not only rejected the proposal with 
indignation, but instantly communicated the intelligence 
of the plot to the king, by an Epirot prisoner, who was 
released for that purpose. So deeply was Pyrrhus im¬ 
pressed with the generosity of this act, that he is said to 
have exclaimed, 66 It were as easy to turn the sun from 
its course, as to draw Fabricius from the path of honour 
and virtue.” This circumstance led to an interchange of 
gopd oihees, which it is pleasing to contemplate amidst 
the distressing details of war. All the Roman prisoners 
were sent home without ransom, and an equal number of 
Samnites and Tarentines, who w f ere the allies of Pyrrhus, 
were liberated by the Romans. 

But though the first encounters of the Romans with 
the veteran troops of Greece proved unsuccessful, they 
became by degrees better acquainted with the military 
tactics of their adversaries, and in many instances 
adopted them in preference to their own. They learned 
to model and intrench their camps after the example of 
Pyrrhus, who was considered a perfect master in that 
important branch of military science. Thus instructed 
by their enemies themselves, they advanced step by step, 
till they were at length enabled to overthrow the Epirots 
in a general engagement, and oblige their renowned 
leader to return with precipitation, leaving only a gar¬ 
rison for the defence of the city of Tarentum.* This 
signal victory, so honourable to the Roman arms, and so 
important in its consequences, was obtained by Curius 
Dentatus, who, at the close of the war, entered the city in 
triumph, laden with the magnificent spoils of the van¬ 
quished, and greeted with the acclamations of his fellow* 


* For a brief statement of the subsequent exploits and death of 
this military adventurer, see Hist, of Greeco. Book III. Essay 11. 





J24 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II> 

citizens. Arduous as the contest had been, the Romans 
considered themselves amply rewarded in having ex¬ 
pelled from Italy the first warrior of the age, after having 
annihilated his army; and in having reduced to sub¬ 
jection the whole Italian peninsula. 

Plut. in vit. Pyrrli. Polyb. lib. 1 et 2. Justin. Flor. Valcr, 
Maxim. Eutrop. Sec. 


t "REFLECTIONS. 

From the sketcli which has been given of the per¬ 
petual hostilities carried on by the Romans, it must be 
obvious to every reader, that war was the element in 
which that people most delighted. It formed both their 
business and their pleasure. A proficiency in the mili¬ 
tary art was esteemed by them the perfection of know¬ 
ledge. Every other pursuit or attainment was con¬ 
sidered as of little value compared with this. For this 
they were content to sacrifice all the advantages of com¬ 
merce, and all the distinctions of science and philosophy. 
A martial spirit seems to have pervaded the whole social 
body from the Dictators and Consuls, down to the lowest 
plebeian. It was transmitted from father to son through 
every succeeding generation, and formed the principal 
feature of their national character, during a long series 
of ages. This predisposition to war, which was acquired 
by education and strengthened by habit, gave a tone of 
sternness and severity to their minds, and of roughness, 
bordering on ferocity, to their manners. They despised 
the milder qualities of a susceptible heart as proofs of 
effeminacy and weakness, whilst the more rigid virtues, 
(if virtues they can be called,) were those alone which 
they admired and cultivated. And such must ever be 
the influence of a similar temper on the character both 
of individuals and nations. It must generate in a greater 
or less degree, a ferocity of manners, and a moral insen¬ 
sibility to the wants and miseries of mankind. 

It were well for the human race, if the considerations 






essay nr. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


125 


which were so eloquently urged by Cyneas upon the 
attention of his royal master, had been practically re¬ 
garded both by princes and their subjects. How much 
blood might have been spared, and how many public 
calamities avoided, it those who engage in military 
enterprizes were first to inquire, whether their labours 
and dangers would lead to satisfaction and contentment 
of mind, or whether it is not more probable that success 
would heighten, rather than allay the fever of their 
ambition ! Who can doubt that if Pyrrhus had realized 
his wildest schemes—if, instead of encountering disgrace, 
lie had added the conquest of Sicily to that of Italy, anol 
annexed Gaul or Carthage to both, he would have been 
still an utter stranger to tranquillity of mind, and yet 
more incapable than before of enjoying repose? The 
restless ambition of the warrior is as insatiable, as the 
degrading avarice of the miser; for as the latter still 
cries, a give, give,” after having realized the amplest 
wealth; so the former presses on from conquest to con^- 
cjuest with unabated ardour, after having obtained the 
most splendid triumphs. 

How many, like Pyrrhus, are deaf to the counsels 
of wisdom! How many listen to the dictates of passion, 
in preference to those of reason, and rush with blind 
impetuosity into dangers which that inward monitor 
would have enabled them to avoid, if they had resigned 
themselves to her guidance. In the sanguine period 
of youth, there is much to be apprehended from this 
quarter; for it is then that hope paints the most en¬ 
chanting visions of futurity; the passions are then most 
clamorous and ungovernable; whilst reason and ex¬ 
perience are yet immature and defective. How valuable, 
in such an hour of danger, is that divine Counsellor, 
who warns them of every danger, and u guides their feet 
into the way of peace.” 

There is much in the character of Fabricius both to 
admire and imitate. His incorruptible fidelity,—his 
integrity and uprightness in the midst of seductions and 
temptations,—his generosity to an adversary whose life 
was in his power,—these, and many other excellent 
qualities which met in this illustrious Roman, deserve to 


126 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK 11. 

be studied and imitated by posterity. They are flowers 
not unworthy to be transplanted into a Christian soil. 
Who does not feel that even the poverty of Fabricius 
was more dignified than all the royal magnificence of 
Pyrrhus; and that the martial fame of a hero, who was 
esteemed the greatest captain of his age, sinks into utter 
insignificance, when contrasted with the unyielding vir¬ 
tue, and moral excellence of his Roman antagonist? 
What a memorable testimony was extorted from the lips 
of an enemy by his invincible fidelity . 66 This is that 

Fabricius, whom it is more difficult to turn from the 
paths of virtue, than to divert the sun from his course.” 
Exaggerated as was this statement, made under the warm 
influence of gratitude, it proves that it is possible, by acts 
of kindness and generosity, to melt the heart of an 
enemy, and transform his hatred into admiration and 
esteem. So should it be our concern to constrain the 
adversaries of the Gospel to bear a reluctant, but decided 
testimony to the sincerity of our profession, and the 
steadfastness of our obedience. So solicitous should we 
be to maintain an undeviating course of piety and 
holiness, that others, “ seeing our good works, may 
glorify our Father which is in heaven.” 


ESSAY IV. 

The first Punic li ar. 

BEGAN A. C. 263. ENDED A. C. 240. 

The aera of Roman History to which the present 
essay refers, was on many accounts highly important. 
It was then that the Romans entered upon that splendid 
career of foreign conquests, which they steadily pursued, 
till almost the whole world submitted to their arms. 
Then first they directed their attention to naval affairs, in 
which they afterwards proved as successful, as they had 
long been in military expeditions. But especially, it was 




ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


127 


then that the memorable struggle commenced between 
the rival republics of Rome and Carthage, which ended 
in the total destruction of the latter. Before the principal 
events of this ruinous contest are narrated, it may not be 
improper to furnish the juvenile reader with a sketch of 
the origin and early history of the Carthaginians. 

Carthage was a Tyrian colony, supposed to have 
been planted by Elissa or Dido, a princess of Tyre, who 
tied from the cruelty of her brother Pygmalion, by 
whom her husband had been murdered, and her own life 
threatened. Attended by a numerous retinue of friends 
and followers, who had acquired great wealth by com¬ 
merce, she sailed in quest of a more secure and peaceful 
abode. The peninsula on which the city of Carthage 
afterward stood, seemed most inviting to this mercantile 
colony, on account of its commercial facilities. Here 
therefore they resolved to settle, to build a city, and 
Construct a capacious harbour. Nurtured by a free 
and equitable government, which Aristotle pronounced 
one of the most perfect the world had ever seen,— 
unchecked by foreign wars or intestine commotions,— 
and, after the destruction of Tyre, by Alexander,* 
commanding the commerce of the world,—this colony 
flourished so remarkably, that at the time of the first 
Punic war, it is said to have included in its dominion 
300 of the smaller cities of Africa, besides the islands 
of Corsica, Sardinia, and a considerable part of Spain. 
But increasing wealth and uninterrupted prosperity 
gradually sapped the foundations of this celebrated 
commonwealth, and rendered it proverbially venal, per¬ 
fidious, and corrupt. 

The Romans had, at several periods, concluded 
treaties of alliance witli their Carthaginian neighbours. 
The earliest on record was that which Polybius men¬ 
tions, ns having taken place during the consulate of 
Junius Brutus, the terms of which are sufficient to prove 
the superiority of the Carthaginians at that period, and 
their undisputed sovereignty of the seas. A subsequent 


* Hist, of Greece. Look III. Essay 9. 



128 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK If, 


treaty confined the commerce of the Romans within 
narrower limits, and extended the mercantile advantages 
of Carthage and her dependencies. These encroachments 
were not contemplated by the Romans with indifference. 
Though they had not as yet acquired sufficient strength 
to contend with this formidable rival, they watched her 
motions with the most jealous eye, and formed the secret 
determination of embracing the earliest opportunity to 
humble the pride of Carthage. 

This desired opportunity at length presented itself. 
In consequence of the termination of the Samnite and 
Tarentine wars, and the return of Pyrrhus to his here¬ 
ditary dominions, Rome found herself the undisputed 
mistress of Italy, without an enemy with whom to con¬ 
tend, or an enterprise in which to employ her numerous 
legions. When princes or states have resolved on hos¬ 
tilities, pretexts for war are seldom wanting. In the 
present instance, the invitation of a band of robbers, who 
had seized upon Messina in Sicily, and erected the 
standard of rebellion against their lawful sovereign, was 
deemed by the Romans a sufficient excuse for sending 
thither an army, under the command of Appius Claudius. 
On the other hand, it had long been a favourite object of 
the Carthaginians to obtain possession of the whole of 
that fertile island, which contained so many convenient 
harbours, and possessed such valuable internal re¬ 
sources. The unsettled state of the island—an applica¬ 
tion made by Hiero, king of Syracuse, for some Cartha¬ 
ginian troops to assist him in reducing the insurgents— 
and the actual possession of several fortified stations on 
its coast—ail seemed to justify the interference of Car¬ 
thage in this quarrel, and determined the Senate to 
dispatch thither a fleet and army, under (he command of 
Hanno, and Hannibal the elder. For a short time 
the contest was carried on in Sicily with various suc¬ 
cess, but the Romans soon resolved on the more hazard¬ 
ous, but decisive measure of transferring the seat of 
war to Africa. 

Previously to the execution of this design, and indeed 
before they could hope to succeed in the invasion of 
Sicily, it was obviously necessary that the Romans 



ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


129 


should be in possession of a fleet capable of contending 
"with the maritime forces of Carthage. To this object 
therefore they applied themselves with the utmost dili¬ 
gence, and taking as their model, a Carthaginian galley, 
which had been stranded on the coast of Italy, fitted out, 
in the space of two months, a fleet consisting of 100 
quinqueremes or large galleys, which were managed by 
five tiers of rowers, and 20 triremes , or smaller vessels, 
which admitted but of three. No sooner was this naval 
armament completed, than the Consuls Cornelius and 
Duilius, sailed to the coast of Sicily. Cornelius, de¬ 
ceived by false intelligence, fell into a snare; and both 
himself and the detachment of the fleet under his com¬ 
mand were taken by the enemy ; but Duilius obtained ail 
ample reparation for this loss, by gaining a complete 
victory over a Carthaginian fleet, which was far superior 
in numbers, and commanded by one of their ablest 
officers. The result of this engagement was, the capture 
of upwards of 80 Carthaginian galleys, and a great 
number of prisoners, besides the confidence with which it 
inspired the Romans in their future naval encounters. 
The joy of the Romans on receiving the unexpected 
intelligence of this first maritime victory was excessive, 
and, as it was chiefly to be attributed to the personal 
skill and bravery of Duilius, who had invented a 
machine with which to grapple and board the enemies’ 
vessels, the highest honours were conferred on him, and 
a most splendid triumph awaited him on his return. 
Hannibal, on the contrary, the unsuccessful Carthaginian 
admiral, was deprived of his office, and narrowly escaped 
with his life. 

The consequences of the naval victory of Duilius^ 
were far greater than had been anticipated. Corsica, 
Sardinia, and several Sicilian cities, which had pre¬ 
viously belonged to the Carthaginians, now surrendered 
to the Romans. Flushed with these successes, the Roman 
Senate determined to enter without delay upon the execu¬ 
tion of their hazardous design of invading Carthage. 
In pursuance of this object, both the Consuls passed 
over into Africa, and having defeated a Carthaginian 
squadron in their passage, landed their troops at Clupea, 



J30 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

whose harbour afforded an excellent shelter to the dis¬ 
mantled fleet. The military career of Regulus, (to whom, 
as the most skilful general, this enterprise was chiefly 
confided,) was at first most splendid and successful. 
Eighty Carthaginian cities surrendered to his victorious 
legions. Amongst the fortified places of which he ob¬ 
tained possession, was Utica, a city next in power and 
wealth to Carthage herself, and not many miles distant. 
Regulus now approached the capital, and was preparing 
to besiege it, when Xanthippus, a Lacedaemonian general, 
arrived at the head of a considerable body of Grecian 
mercenaries. To him the supreme command of all the 
Carthaginian forces was given, and this confidence was 
well repaid by the skill and talents of the Spartan chief. 
He attacked and conquered the Roman army, of which . 
scarcely two thousand escaped from slaughter or cap¬ 
tivity. Amongst the prisoners taken in this memorable 
engagement was Regulus himself, who was led in triumph 
through the streets of Carthage. For a time, the grati¬ 
tude of the Carthaginians to Xanthippus for having 
delivered them from the horrors of a protracted siege, 
was expressed in the strongest terms; but soon their 
gratitude was turned to envy, which began to discover 
itself so openly, that the Lacedaemonian deemed it 
prudent to resign his command, and return home. It is 
even said, that this ungrateful people, who owed to him 
their very existence, contrived privately to assassinate 
their deliverer before he arrived at Sparta. 

The calamity which had befallen the Romans, instead 
of discouraging, prompted them to new and yet greater 
exertions. A larger fleet and more powerful army was 
equipped and sent first to Sicily, with instructions to 
pass over to Africa, if it were deemed advisable. And 
now the tide of success turned against the Carthaginians. 
They were repeatedly defeated both by sea and land, and 
were at length induced to send an embassy to solicit 
peace. Amongst these was Regulus, who was now 
liberated, after several years of rigorous imprisonment, 
under a pledge that if peace were not concluded, he 
should return to his former state of captivity. They did 
not doubt that the hardships he bad endured, and the 








ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


13 1 


apprehension of their renewal, would lead him to exert 
himselt to the utmost. But to the surprise of the 
ambassadors, on his arrival in Italy, he refused to enter 
the city, to meet the caresses of his wife and children, 
or to accept of the congratulations of the senators; and, 
when his opinion was asked, used every possible argu¬ 
ment to prevail upon his countrymen to persist in the 
war, assuring them of ultimate and complete success. 
At his instigation the treaty was broken off, and the 
ambassadors were dismissed; and, when his weeping 
relatives and even the ministers of religion advised him 
to continue in Rome, assuring him that an oath extorted 
by an enemy was not binding, he rejected the proposal 
with indignation, and adhered to his resolution of re¬ 
turning to Cartilage. “ I well know,” exclaimed this 
patriotic and conscientious Roman, “ what tortures await 
me on my arrival there, but I fear less the most ex¬ 
cruciating sufferings of body, than the shame of a 
dishonourable action and the sting of an accusing con¬ 
science.” The end of this great man is uncertain ; but 
most historians agree that he suffered at Carthage a 
most cruel death. 

The war was renewed, chiefly in Sicily, with various 
success. Hamilcar, the father of the celebrated Hannibal, 
who was himself a commander of distinguished talent, 
gained several advantages, botli by sea and land, which 
without retrieving the atfairs of Carthage, served to pro¬ 
tract the war, and gradually to incline the Romans to 
listen to proposals of peace. After both parties had 
exhausted themselves by a long and sanguinary struggle, 
a treaty of peace was concluded between Lutatius, one 
of the Roman Consuls, and Hamilcar, the Carthaginian 
General, by w'hich the latter surrendered the whole of 
Sicily to the Romans, and engaged to liberate the 
Roman prisoners without ransom, besides paying in 
twenty years 2200 talents of silver, which were nearly 
equal to half a million sterling. This treaty, so dis¬ 
graceful to Carthage, and affording so decisive a proof 
of the superiority of the Romans, terminated the first 
Punic war, which had lasted more than twenty-four> 


132 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


years, and had occasioned on both sides a lamentable 
expenditure of human life. 

Polyb. de Bell. Pun. lib. I. cap. 10—62. Diotlor, Sicul. in 
excerpt. Eutrop. Zonar. Flor. Val. Max. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The rival states of Rome and Carthage were both 
powerful, but their strength was derived from different 
sources, and consequently led to very different results. 
Rome owed her vigour to the patriotism of her citizens, 
the talents of her generals, the invincible bravery of 
her troops, and the unshaken resolution of her senate; 
but Carthage was chiefly indebted to the extent of her 
commerce, and an abundance of wealth, which enabled 
her to subsidize foreign powers, procure mercenary 
troops, purchase large supplies of military and naval 
stores, and frequently to replace those fleets and armies 
which were lost by the adverse events of war. The 
consequence was, as might have been anticipated, that 
the treasures of Carthage were expended, and she was 
reduced to the necessity of making a dishonourable 
peace, while the strength of Rome was yet unbroken, 
and her internal resources were unimpaired and abundant. 
Whilst the haughty queen of Africa, saw herself in the 
day of adversity, deserted by her numerous allies, and 
betrayed by those legions which had been hired for her 
defence, the energies of her more vigorous rival seemed 
to keep pace with her calamities. No difficulties ap¬ 
palled, no defeats discouraged, no losses depressed her. 
When successful, she was still circumspect; and, when 
vanquished, undismayed. Let Christians, engaged in 
a nobler warfare, imitate her invincible courage, her 
inflexible resolution; and they also will come off more 
than conquerors. They must indeed expect some re¬ 
verses, but let them not be discouraged. Their motto 









ESSAY 1Y. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


133 


is “ perplexed, but not in despair; cast down, but not 
destroyed.” 

To commerce, Carthage owed both her elevation and 
her fall. In the earlier period of her history, it is evi¬ 
dent, that the mercantile engagements of her citizens 
disposed them to peace ; they enjoyed many years and 
even centuries of profound tranquillity; and the fruit of 
peace was, national prosperity. To this circumstance is 
to be attributed the far more rapid growth of the Cartha¬ 
ginian, than that of the Roman commonwealth. But 
commerce has its dangers as well as its advantages—its 
evils, as well as its benefits. The wealth which was 
poured into Carthage by this means, first corrupted, and 
then destroyed that flourishing city. It poisoned the 
fountain-head of government, and all the subordinate 
streams of social life. It enervated the minds, and 
paralyzed all the energies of the people. It inflated 
them with imaginary self-importance, and buoyed them 
up with a vain and presumptuous security. It disposed 
them to place themselves under the protection of mer¬ 
cenaries, and to depend upon foreign alliances, instead 
of trusting to their own resources. It introduced such 
venal principles and habits, that all places of trust and 
importance were publicly sold to the most opulent 
citizens. These were some of those engines of destruction, 
which sapped the foundations of the Carthaginian empire. 
Whilst Britain has great reason to be thankful for her 
commercial advantages, let her guard with the utmost 
vigilance against these abuses of national wealth and 
prosperity. Let her contemplate the ruins of Tyre and of 
Carthage—cities which once claimed the sovereignty of 
the seas, and monopolized the commerce of the world— 
and let her both “ watch and pray” against those vices, 
which accomplished their ruin. 

The transition made by the Romans, in a very short 
period, from a state of inexperience and total ignorance 
of nautical aflairs, to so high a degree of skill and energy, 
as to enable them to conquer the Carthaginians on their 
own element, strikingly exhibits the benefits resulting 
from resolution and industry. Had they been timid or 
inactive, they would have started back from the idea of 


I 


134 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK IT. 

constructing a fleet of sufficient strength to encounter 
that of their maritime rival; much less would they have 
entertained the most distant hope of success. But for¬ 
midable as the undertaking must appear, they made the 
effort, and instantly grasped the prize. So let us not 
shrink from enterprises, which may appear both perilous 
and difficult, if it be our duty to engage in them. To 
resolve, is more than half to perform. 

The last davs of Regulus afford much valuable in- 
struction. They teach us not to expect uninterrupted 
prosperity, for the utmost prudence and most consum¬ 
mate wisdom cannot uniformly command success. They 
convince us that it is possible, even without the aids of 
religion, to maintain a calm and unbroken spirit under 
adversity. They intimate that the most acute sufferings, 
and even an ignominious death, ought to be preferred to 
the violation of conscience, and duty. They suggest, 
that we should never permit either the solicitations of 
friendship, the love of ease, or the fear of suffering, to 
induce us to do that which is displeasing to God, and 
injurious to our own souls. And, finally, they remind 
us that oaths ought never to be lightly taken, and when 
taken, should be most sacredly regarded. If these were 
principles, recognized bv heathens themselves, how much 
more should they influence the conduct of Christians, 
who have derived them from a purer source, by means of 
a law more distinctly revealed, and enforced by the most 
powerful motives. 


ESSAY Y. 

On the second Punic War, from its commencement to the 

Battle of Canine, 

from A. C. 205 to A. C. 203. 

Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of peace 
between Rome and Carthage, the temple of Janus was 




ESSAY V. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 135 

shut for the first time, since the reign of Numa. But 
the storm, which seemed to have been dispersed, soon 
gathered again, and rendered it necessary to re-open that 
temple, in a very few months after its gates had been 
closed. The Corsicans, Sardinians, and Ligurians, se¬ 
cretly encouraged by the Carthaginians, revolted from 
the Romans, and entered into a league, which was con¬ 
sidered so formidable, as to call for the interference of two 
consular armies, by which these rebellious provinces 
were reduced and finally conquered. In the mean time, 
ambassadors were dispatched with threatening messages 
to Carthage, whose imperious tone of defiance irritated 
the leading men in that republic, and deepened those 
resentments, which prudence required them tor a time to 
conceal. It became daily more evident to all who were 
acquainted with the state of parties both in Carthage and 
Rome, that the jealousies which had been for a time 
latent, were not extinguished ; but that ere long they 
would inevitably burst forth into a most destructive 
flame. 

At the head of the party most inveterate in their 
enmity to the Romans, was Hamilcar, who had been 
reluctantly constrained to sign the dishonourable treaty, 
which surrendered Sicily to their more successful rival; 
and who ardently longed for an opportunity of wiping 
off the reproach, which he conceived himself to have 
brought upon his country. As a public expression of 
the deep resentment which rankled in his breast, when 
just setting out on an expedition to Spain, he led his son 
Hannibal to an altar, and there instructed him to swear by 
the immortal gods, to cherish eternal enmity against the 
Romans. The lesson thus publicly inculcated was so 
frequently repeated in private, that the youthful warrior 
panted for a lavourable opportunity of breaking the 
treaty and commencing hostilities against a people, whose 
very name he had been taught from his earliest infancy 
to detest. 

His father Hamijcar having been killed in battle, and 
Asdrubal, his brother-in-law, murdered by a Spanish 
slave, Hannibal was appointed general of the Carthaginian 
armies in Spain, in the twenty-sixth year of his age. 


STUDIES IN HISTORY* HOOK II. 

One of liis first public measures was to besiege Saguntum, 
which tlie late treaty had declared to be a neutral city ; 
a measure which was considered by the Romans as a 
direct violation of that treaty, and a signal for renewed 
hostilities. A deputation was instantly sent to Carthage 
to demand that Hannibal should be delivered into their 
hands, or, if this proposal were rejected, to declare war. 
The latter alternative was chosen, and both parties pre¬ 
pared to prosecute with vigour the work of devastation 
and destruction. 

Neither the design, nor the proposed limits of the 
present work, will admit of ev<n an abridged statement of 
all the battles which were fought during this most san¬ 
guinary contest; nor would it be possible to trace, with 
however rapid a flight, the arduous and splendid course 
of the Carthaginian hero, through the several campaigns 
of this eventful w ar. it will be sufficient for the purpose 
of moral and religious instruction, to glance at some of 
those difficulties which were surmounted, and those re¬ 
verses which were experienced at different periods by 
each of the combatants. 

Following the example which the Romans had set 
in the former war, Hannibal resolved on the invasion of 
Italy. This enterprise, which, to a mind less ardent and 
a genius less comprehensive, would have appeared abso¬ 
lutely impracticable, could not fail to expose him to 
the utmost hardships and dangers. The march of his 
army, (which is said to have consisted at first of 90,000* 
foot, and 12,000 horse,) must stretch across tremendous 
mountains and through the territories of fierce and 
barbarous tribes, who would incessantly harass his rear, 
or cut off his foraging detachments. If these difficulties 
were surmounted, on his arrival in Italy, an armed 
population of nearly 800,000 warriors awaited him, a con¬ 
siderable part of whom were veteran legions, accustomed 
to victory, and familiar with dangers. Yet, in defiance 
of all these formidable obstacles, Hannibal persisted in 
li is design, calculating upon the disaffection of many of 
those Italian states, which had recently been formed into 
Rormin provinces, and proudly relying upon the inex¬ 
haustible resources of his own mighty genius. 


ESSAY V. THE HISTORY OF. ROME. 137 

promptly was this project executed, that the Cartha¬ 
ginian army had crossed the Pyrenees, and arrived at the 
banks ot the Rhone, before Cornelius Scipio, one of the 
Consuls who had been sent into Spain, to watch the 
motions ot Hannibal, received certain intelligence of his 
design. The Roman general hastened to overtake him, 
in order, it it were possible, to fix the scene of action in 
Gaul. But Hannibal, who was, no less intent upon 
making Raly the theatre of war, contrived, by means of 
long and rapid marches, and by taking an unexpected 
and circuitous rout, to escape Scipio’s army and reach 
the Alps with almost undiminished forces. Here, how¬ 
ever, a most appalling difficulty presented itself. For, 
in addition to the labour and hazard of transporting a 
large army over those “ cloud-capt” mountains, all the 
rocky eminences that overhung the track by which they 
must pass, were filled with native troops intimately ac¬ 
quainted with the country, who perpetually galled them 
with missile weapons, and fragments broken from the 
rocks. Having gained the summit, after a harassing 
march of nine days, Hannibal cheered his troops, with a 
prospect of the fertile plains of Italy, which they were 
about to occupy, and where they might hope shortly to 
enjoy a temporary repose. But the descent presented 
yet greater difficulties, which nothing but the unshaken 
resolution and inventive genius of Hannibal could have 
surmounted. Not only was it found necessary to cut a 
way for his elephants and horses, through frozen moun¬ 
tains of snow, but in some places through the solid rock, 
which presented nothing but a series of inaccessible crags, 
and tremendous precipices. Art and industry however 
at length prevailed, and Hannibal, proud of having con¬ 
quered Nature herself, entered Italy in triumph, on the 
fifteenth day, after he had begun to ascend the Alps. 

Cornelius Scipio, who had embarked from Spain in 
pursuit of Hannibal, arrived with his army in Italy at 
the moment in which that general reached the plains of 
Insubria. A partial engagement immediately took place, 
in which the Roman cavalry was routed by the Numi- 
dian, and the Consul himself wounded. Thus disabled 
either from continuing the action, or effecting his escape, 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 



he would have fallen into the enemy’s hand, but for the 
signal bravery of his son, the celebrated Publius Cornelius 
Scipio, then a youth of seventeen years of age. Intelli¬ 
gence of Scipio’s defeat having arrived at Home, Sem- 
pronius, his consular colleague, was dispatched by the 
Senate, with considerable reinforcements ; the armies met 
on the banks of the Trebia, and a most disastrous battle 
was fought, which ended in the complete destruction of 
the Roman legions, a very small remnant of which 
escaped to Placentia with the Consul at their head. Yet 
great as the carnage had been, and total the defeat of the 
best troops of the republic, the Romans were not discou¬ 
raged ; they levied fresh forces, which were injudiciously 
entrusted to Flaminius, one of the new Consuls, who, 
though brave, was destitute of the skill and experience 
requisite to encounter so formidable an opponent. Out¬ 
manoeuvred in every instance by his wily adversary, Fla- 
minius was compelled to risk a general engagement under 
the most unfavourable circumstances, which took place 
on the banks of the lake Thrasimenus; the result of 
which was more disastrous to the Romans than the battle 
of Trebia. Almost the whole army was annihilated, and 
the Consul himself was found amongst the slain. 

Flilherto the tide of success had been wholly in favour 
of the Carthaginians. Hannibal had been uniformly 
victorious, and was now fast advancing towards the 
Roman capital. Many of the Italian provinces had re¬ 
volted, and declared themselves either independent, or 
the allies of Carthage. Yet the Senate and people of 
Rome, far from desponding, seemed to acquire new 
energy from their calamities. They felt convinced that 
it was necessary to maintain the contest with greater 
caution and vigour, and that it became them to entrust 
their forces to the ablest hands. Fabius (afterwards 
called Maximus) was appointed Dictator, to whom un¬ 
questionably’belongs the honour of having checked the 
progress of Hannibal in the midst of his career of vic¬ 
tory, and adopted a mode of warfare, which, though 
exceedingly unpopular at the time, proved eventually 
the most successful. Perceiving that all his predecessors 
bad erred by rashness, he resolved to avoid a general 


ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


139 


engagement, though the opportunity might appear to be 
most favourable—to harass the enemy by perpetual skir¬ 
mishes—to cut oft his supplies—and thus, by a tedious 
and protracted struggle, to exhaust his resources, and 
oblige him to retreat. This mode of warfare, (which hafr 
since been called the Fabian , in honour of the Roman 
general who first practised it with success,) was so 
dreaded by Hannibal, that he tried every expedient to 
provoke the Dictator to risk a battle. But all his arti¬ 
fices were vain ; Fabius was alike unmoved by the taunts 
of the enemy, the discontents of his own soldiers, and the 
murmurs of the Roman people. At length the public 
impatience rose to such a height, that the Senate were 
induced to associate with the Dictator, Minutius, his 
general of the horse, who soon brought himself and his 
division of the army into such perilous circumstances, 
that they would have been inevitably cut oft' by Han¬ 
nibal, but for the prompt and vigorous assistance of his 
colleague. Taught by this occurrence to appreciate the 
talents, and comprehend the plans of the Dictator, Mi¬ 
nutius resigned the command with which he had been 
entrusted, and was satisfied henceforth to hold a subordi- 
nate rank under that distinguished chief. 

But the Fabian system, was as unpopular at Rome, as 
it had -been harassing to the Carthaginians. Resolved, 
if possible, to terminate the war at a stroke, eight legions 
were added to the army of Italy, which now amounted to 
80,000 foot, and 7000 horse. These were placed under 
the command of C. .Terentius Varro, a bold and decided 
warrior, whose impetuous zeal was to be tempered by the 
prudence and experience of L. zEmilius Paulus, who 
had conducted most successfully the Illyrian war. These 
generals were instructed by the Senate to hazard a battle, 
which took place at Canine, on the banks of the Aufidus, 
and proved more calamitous than any of the former en¬ 
gagements. It is said, that with the loss of but 4000 of 
his troops, Hannibal put to the sword upwards of 50,000 
Romans, and took more than 10,000 prisoners. The 
Consul AEmilius, who was wounded during an early part 
of the engagement, would not suffer himself to be borne 
from the field ; but, as soon as he perceived that the day 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


340 


ROOK It. 


was inevitably lost, plunged into the thickest of the 
enemy’s ranks, amongst which he fell, covered with 
innumerable wounds. The surviving Consul escaped to 
Venusia, where, with an undaunted spirit, he endea¬ 
voured to collect the scattered ruins of his army, and 
place himself and the city in the posture of defence. 
On account of this intrepidity of character, (a quality so 
greatly admired by the Romans,) he was met on his 
return by the whole body of senators, and multitudes of 
the citizens, who expressed their thanks, that, in the 
midst of all his misfortunes, “he had not despaired of 
the republic.” 


Polvb. lib. 3. Livii Hist. lib. 20—22. Pint, in Fab. Flor. 
lib. 2. Appian in Punic. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Little did the amiable and pacific Numa imagine, 
when he first erected the temple of Janus, and proposed 
that its gates should be constantly open in time of 
war, and closed during the continuance of peace, that 
from the period of his reign to the close of the first Punic 
war, that is, during a space of more than five hundred 
years, no opportunity w ould be afforded of closing, even 
lor a short period, its massy portals. Yet such was the 
melancholy fact. So devoted were the Romans to martial 
enterprises, or so incessantly agitated with intestine com¬ 
motions, that through that long series of years, and even 
ages, not even a transient interval could be seized for 
performing that ancient rite. Alas! how large a space 
in the history of mankind is filled with the distressing 
details of wars, undertaken from motives of unprincipled 
ambition! if from the years which have rolled away 
since man’s first apostacy w r ere to be deducted those 
which have been chronicled in blood, how few would 
remain ! Amongst all the roots of bitterness, which have 
sprung up to trouble the earth, this has been most fatally 
productive. Other plants flourish only in particular 



'ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


141 


climes, but this is every where indigenous. Olliers have 
their seasons, in which they blossom and decay; but this 
brings forth its poisonous fruits at all seasons, and in every 
age. Happy, happy day, when this deadly plant shall 
be eradicated from the face of the earth ; and when all 
nations shall repose beneath the shade, and partake of 
the fatness of the peaceful olive. 

It is impossible that any one, whose feelings and prin¬ 
ciples are regulated by a Christian standard, should con¬ 
template with approbation the odious spectacle of a father 
bringing his son to the temple at nine years of age, and 
commanding him to take an oath of perpetual enmity 
against thousands of his fellow-creatures. Highly as this 
act might be applauded by those who justified malignity 
and revenge, and who accounted hatred to enemies both a 
duty and virtue; it must be abhorrent from the minds of 
all, who have learnt of the meek and lowly Jesus, to pity, 
forgive, and even love their enemies. Christian parents, 
instead of wishing to instil into the breasts of their chil- 
dren sentiments of revenge and malevolence, will feel that 
it is one of their most imperious duties, to suppress re¬ 
sentful feelings, to quench the kindling sparks of anger, 
and to inculcate those milder and gentler virtues which 
are lovely and of good report. Nor let the young 
imagine that there is any thing exalted and heroic, in 
cherishing proud and malignant feelings towards their 
youthful associates; for the greatest hero is most assuredly 
he that rules his own spirit, and true dignity consists in 
exercising habitually that mutual forbearance, and mutual 
forgiveness, of which our Divine Muster has set us so 
illustrious an example. 

From tfie memorable march of Hannibal and his army 
over the Alps, it were inexcusable not to derive some 
lessons of practical utility. Would to God that the 
same intrepid spirit, the same unshaken fortitude, the 
same invincible energy, were exhibited in a better cause, 
and applied to nobler and more sacred purposes. So 
long as we have depraved inclinations, immoral habits, 
and spiritual wickednesses in high places, with which to 
contend—so long as there are arduous and almost inac¬ 
cessible heights of piety and virtue to climb—we cannot 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II, 


112 


be in want of objects on which to exercise all the energies 
of the soul, and in which most strenuously to employ ail 
our moral powers. To animate us in this march toward 
the perfection of our nature, there are many considerations 
which may be suggested, which could not present them¬ 
selves to the Carthaginian chief in his perilous enterprise. 
Wc know that “ our labour is not in vain in the Lord 
we are assured that “ in due time we shall reap, if we 
faint notit is certain, that in our warfare perseverance 
is success, for “ he that endures to the end, the same 
shall be saved.” 

The moral observer of human character may, in like 
manner, derive instruction from the successive combatants 
in the Punic war. One will teach him, the danger of 
presumption; a second, the inutility of courage without 
experience, and fortitude without skill; a third, the ne¬ 
cessity and advantages of habitual circumspection and 
watchfulness—whilst a fourth, would impress him with 
the conviction, that in the utmost danger, there is reason 
to hope; and in the deepest distress, there is no cause for 
despair. 


ESSAY VI. 

On the second Punic War, from the Battle of Cam in, to 

its termination. 

from A. C. 215—200. 

The series of splendid and decisive victories with 
which the arms of Carthage had been crowned, during 
the three first years of the war, were such as not only to 
justify the expectation that that republic would finally 
overcome, but also that the contest would be but of short 
duration. It has been commonly supposed, that if Han¬ 
nibal had marched his victorious troops to the Roman 
capital, immediately after the disastrous battle of Cannae, 
he would have met with little or no resistance from its 















ESSAY VI. 


THE HISTORY 01 ROME. 143 

panic-stricken inhabitants. Whether this conjecture be 
well toutided or not, it is certain that tiie Carthaginian 
chief did not avail himself of’the opportunity, but after 
having employed several days in collecting the spoils 
found on the field of battle and in the Roman encamp¬ 
ments, he retired to winter quarters in the fruitful pro¬ 
vince of Campania. Here, in the lap of plenty, and in 
the enjoyment of temporary repose from the toils of war, 
he resolved to await the arrival of those reinforcements, 
which he had sent his brother Mago to solicit from Car¬ 
tilage, and which he hoped to receive early in the spring. 
But the influence of one winter’s relaxation of military 
discipline, and indulgence in those excesses to which the 
licentious inhabitants of Capua were addicted, proved 
more injurious to Hannibal and his troops than all the 
hardships they had previously sustained. Elate with 
victory, enriched with spoil, and enervated by ease and 
inactivity, they were ill prepared, at the return of spring, 
to contend with a Roman army far superior in numbers, 
and led on by so enterprising a commander as Marcellus. 

From this period, the manifest decline of Hannibal’s 
affairs in Italy may be dated. Though his combined 
skill and vigilance prevented him from committing any 
fatal error, or giving any signal advantage to Marcellus, 
(who, on account of the vigour and promptitude of his 
military exploits, was called the mordof the republic,) lie 
was repeatedly baffled in his projects, and obliged to re¬ 
linquish them with considerable loss. The sieges of 
Casilinum, Nola, Cumae, and others, cost him more time 
and troops than all the series of his former victories. Yet, 
it must be admitted, that his genius and talent were not 
less conspicuous in the unwearied perseverance with 
which he maintained the contest upwards of sixteen 
years, in a hostile country, and without foreign reinforce¬ 
ments or supplies, than in the most splendid period of his 
military career. It cost the Romans thirteen years to 
regain by slow and cautious steps, those possessions 
which this hardy veteran had wrested from them in three. 
Nor is it probable that Hannibal would have abandoned 
Italy at last, had not the perilous circumstances of his 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


144 


native country induced the Senate of Carthage to recal 
liim for its defence. 

Whilst Hannibal was maintaining in Italy an unequal 
struggle with far superior forces, events took place in 
Greece, Sicily, and Spain, which were not indeed calcu¬ 
lated to attract so much attention, but which had a con¬ 
siderable influence upon the issue of the war. In Greece, 
Philip of Macedon, who had shewn a disposition to 
favour and assist the Carthaginians, was defeated by 
Laevinus the Roman Consul, and induced to purchase 
peace by relinquishing his alliance with Carthage. In 
Sicily, Marcellas distinguished himself by conducting 
the siege and effecting the capture of Syracuse, notwith¬ 
standing the skill and science with which it was defended, 
under the direction of the celebrated Archimedes. That 
eminent mathematician understood so well the force of 
mechanism, that he is said to have constructed engines of 
destruction, by which the Roman galleys were lifted up 
from their stations and dashed in pieces, and burning 
lenses, which repeatedly set on fire, and destroyed the 
hostile fleet. When the city was taken, Archimedes was 
found in his study, engaged in abstruse speculations, and 
killed by a Roman soldier; but Marcellus lamented his 
death, interred him honourably, and erected a monument 
to his memory. 

In Spain, the two elder Scipios on the one part, and 
on the other Asdrubal, Hannibal’s brother, carried on the 
war with various success, all of whom fell on the field of 
battle. At length a youthful hero succeeded to the com¬ 
mand in that province, at his own earnest request, who 
quickly and completely turned the scale of victory in 
favour of the Romans. This was Publius Scipio, (after¬ 
wards called Africanus,) at that time a youth of twenty- 
four years of age, but who had already given the most 
decided proof of pre-eminent military talents. It has 
been already mentioned to his honour, that in the first 
battle between Hannibal and the Romans, after the inva¬ 
sion of Italy, he rescued his wounded parent from the 
grasp of the enemy. In the battle of Canine, though he 
held but a subordinate rank, his personal valour and in- 



, * 


ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 145 

trepidity was most conspicuous, and after that catas¬ 
trophe, he detected and defeated a conspiracy into which 
many illustrious Romans had entered, to desert their 
country in the hour of her need, and to transport them¬ 
selves and their substance into Greece. Yet though 
educated in a camp and early accustomed to sanguinary 
and tumultuous scenes, he is said to have possessed a mild 
and amiable disposition, to have had his appetites and 
passions remarkably under controul, and to have culti¬ 
vated the gentler graces in his conversation and deport¬ 
ment. 

From the time of Scipio’s entrance into Spain, he 
proceeded step by step in an uninterrupted career of vic¬ 
tory, till all the Carthaginian settlements in that country 
were occupied by his troops, and annexed to the Roman 
empire. His military reputation occasioned his election 
to the consulate, before he had attained his thirtieth year. 
Upon his elevation to that dignity, he proposed to the 
Senate a project, which he had long meditated, and from 
which he anticipated the most important results; namely, 
to transfer the principal seat of the war from Europe to 
Africa, and attack Carthage within her own borders. 
Hut many of the Senators considered the measure too 
hazardous, whilst such an adversary as Hannibal was 
almost at their gates, and all agreed that no forces could 
be spared at present, but those which might be drawn 
from Sicily, or which the popularity of the Consul might 
attract to his standard. YVith these apparently inade¬ 
quate supplies, lie passed over into Africa, and, having 
taken possession of a Carthaginian port, w hich afforded 
protection to his fleet, proceeded with his army to 
occupy the interior of that flourishing empire. 

During his residence in Spain, Scipio had attached 
to Ms interests, Massinissa, the exiled king of Numidia, 
who, though deposed by Syphax his more successful 
rival, was equally beloved by his late subjects. This 
prince joined the standard of Scipio immediately after 
his landing in Africa, with a considerable body of Numi- 
dians whom he had privately collected. Encouraged 
by this seasonable reinforcement, Scipio marched to 
meet Syphax, who was most warmly attached to the 

H 


346 STUDIES IN HTSTOEY. BOOK IJ, 

interests of Cartilage, and an inveterate enemy of Rome^ 
in consequence of his having married Sophonisba, tlie 
daughter of Asdrubal. The united forces of Scipio and 
Massinissa soon overthrew the usurper, who together witli 
his beauteous queen, and all his royal treasures, fell into 
the hands of the Romans. But the prince of Numidia no 
sooner saw his fair captive, than his susceptible mind was 
inflamed with her beauty, and he was induced to marry 
her without the knowledge or consent of Scipio. When 
the Roman general, who was himself an eminent example 
of continence, was informed of this event, he demanded a 
private interview with his royal ally, in which he rea¬ 
soned so forcibly on the impolicy and iniquity of his 
nuptials with one, who was the wife of another, and the 
most implacable enemy of Rome, that Massinissa was 
induced to send his bride a cup of poison, as the only 
means of extricating himself from his embarrassments. 
Sophonisba received the deadly potion with the utmost 
tranquillity; and, with an unaltered countenance and 
unfaltering voice, commanded the royal messenger, to 
a thank her lord for having regarded her glory more 
than her life.” 

The rapid success of Scipio convinced the Carthagi¬ 
nians of the necessity of recalling Hannibal from Italy, 
if they would save their capital, which was already 
threatened. With the utmost reluctance did that veteran 
warrior quit a country which had been the theatre of his 
glory, and whi re he still hoped to humble his proud 
rival. But as his orders were peremptory, he embarked 
with all his remaining forces without delay, and landed 
at Leptis in Africa, where a mixed multitude of Cartha¬ 
ginian mercenaries awaited him. The two armies soon 
met at Zama, where the question was to be finally decided, 
whether Rome or Carthage should be the mistress of the 
world. Before the action commenced, an interview took 
place at the request of Hannibal between the rival chiefs, 
in which an unsuccessful attempt was made to ncgociate 
a peace. Each leader was too contiden : of success, and 
too sensible of the superior claims of his own country, to 
accept of just and reasonable terms. A tremendous 
battle lollowed, when it may be Uuiy affirmed that the 



ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 147 

sun of Carthage set in blood. After the most prodigious 
efforts, in which his valour and skill were equally dis¬ 
played, Hannibal was totally defeated, and tied to Adru- 
metum. Thence he repaired alone to Carthage, pre¬ 
sented himself before the Senate, and advised them to 
make peace with their victorious rival on any terms 
however humiliating, since at the present moment all 
resistance would be fruitless. A treaty was concluded 
first in the camp of Scipio, the terms of which were dic¬ 
tated by the Consul, and afterwards ratified at Home by 
the Senate. According to this treaty, Carthage relin¬ 
quished all claims to Spain, and the islands in the Medi¬ 
terranean, and was obliged to surrender to the Romans 
all her ships of war to the amount of five hundred, (ten 
only excepted,) which were burnt by Scipio before he 
returned to Italy. A magnificent triumph awaited the 
youthful conquerer on his arrival at Home; but his 
unfortunate and vanquished rival met with far different 
treatment. Pursued alike by the resentments of his own 
people and of the Romans, he fled from city to city, until 
at length, to avoid being delivered into the hands of his 
implacable foes, he destroyed himself by poison. 

Liv. Hist. lib. 23—30. Polyb. lib. 10—15. Appian de Bel. 

Punic. Plat, in Marcell, et Fab. Valer. Maxim. &c. &c. 

* 


REFLECTIONS. 

The whole of the preceding narrative suggests, the im¬ 
portance of seizing the favourable opportunity for secur¬ 
ing the objects of our pursuit, whatever they maybe. For 

“ There is a tide in the affairs of men, 

Which, taken at the flood, leads on to Fortune; 

Omitted, all the voyage of their life 
Is bound in shallows, and in miseries 

a season, which, if neglected, may never be recovered ; a 
moment which, if slighted, will be lost for ever. This is 
a species of folly, with which the wisest and greatest of 



148 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

men are chargeable, as well as others; and, what is most 
of all to be deplored, which is practised with reference 
to eternal things, as well as to those of time. How many 
duties are deterred until the uncertain morrow, to which 
reason, conscience, the divine law, and present oppor¬ 
tunity, concur to invite us to-day! How many in mature 
life and old age have regretted the loss of the golden 
period of youth—a period so favourable to every species 
of moral and religious improvement! Could we listen to 
the lamentations of lost souls in the regions of darkness 
and despair, we should find that they chiefly consist of 
unavailing regrets, on account of the irrecoverable loss of 
those opportunities which were once granted, when space 
was given them to repent, but they repented not. Let 
us then derive from the inadvertence, the folly, and the 
fatal neglect of others, this practical lesson— u Whatso¬ 
ever our -hands' find to do, to do it with our might ; for 
there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom 
in the grave, whither we go.” 

It may be remarked further, that true greatness of 
mind discovers itself most of all in struggling with adver¬ 
sity, and bearing up courageously under affliction. To 
the cursory observer, Hannibal might appear greatest 
when floating on the current of prosperity, amidst the 
full tide of his success and triumphs—but surely the more 
contemplative mind would arrive at a different conclu¬ 
sion, and would gather the proofs of his magnanimity, 
from the patient toil with which he surmounted the diffi¬ 
culties of a transalpine march, and the invincible firm¬ 
ness with which he maintained the conflict, when success 
became hopeless, and his resources were daily diminish¬ 
ing. Affliction is the test of principle, as well as of 
magnanimity; and never is the reality and efficacy of 
religion move strikingly exhibited, than in the character 
of a suffering saint, who, amidst a great fight of affliction, 
possesses his soul in patience, and calmly waits the issue, 
in meek submission to the divine will. 

The character of Scipio African us, contemplated in 
a moral light, is highly interesting and instructive. It 
forms a grateful contrast to the stern and ferocious temper 
of his veteran antagonist. The former, though not 


ESSAY VI. 


TJIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


349 


inferior in military talent, rises far above his rival in 
moral excellence, in the controwl of his passions, (he 
government of his temper, the mild and amiable qualities 
of Ins heart, and the moderation and continence of his 
life. These are qualities of no ordinary value, wherever 
they are found; but they are peculiarly excellent, when 
exhibited by characters whose education and circum¬ 
stances in life, almost necessarily exclude them ; and when 
putting forth their tender blossoms, or yielding their ex¬ 
quisite fruit, as in the case of Scipio, amidst the tumults 
of a camp, and the boisterous occupations of a military 
life. To what distressing consequences do incontinence 
and illicit passion frequently lead ! Of this we have a 
striking example in the history of Massinissa the Numi- 
dian prince. Without submitting the conduct of this 
prince to the test of Christian principles, a test with 
which he was of course unacquainted, his character, if 
weighed in the balance of heathen morality, will be found 
miserably defective. Fascinated by the beauty of Sopho- 
nisba, hurried along by his passions, regardless of the 
lessons of continence he had frequently received from 
his Roman friend, and in direct violation of the most 
sacred conjugal rights, he took a step, which his con¬ 
science must have loudly condemned, and which pro¬ 
bably embittered all his future days. For it is not easy 
to conceive how great must have been the conflict of such 
a susceptible mind between passion and interest, affection 
and honour, love and friendship, before a resolution so 
melancholy, barbarous and criminal, could be formed, as 
that of poisoning his beauteous bride. 

Ah ! how many parallels to the guilt and consequent 
wretchedness of Massinissa, may be gathered from the 
annals of youthful profligacy. How many, seduced by 
their passions, are betrayed info imprudences, to conceal 
which they find it necessary to plunge yet deeper into 
guilt and infamy! How many, beguiled and enslaved 
by their appetites, bring themselves info the most em¬ 
barrassing circumstances, from which they are unable to 
extricate themselves, but by adding sin to sin, and 
perpetrating the basest of crimes. Let therefore the 
young, in the hour of temptation, make a covenant with 


150 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


their eyes—let them keep their heads with all diligence, 
if they would shun the guilt and avoid the misery, which 
are inseparable from criminal gratification. 

Finally, how evanescent is human greatness ! See the 
boasted hero, who made Rome tremble lor her very 
existence, and threatened to hurl her from the pinnacle 
of her ambition, a hoary exile, and needy dependant, 
at the court of Prusius, king of Bilhynia, living in con¬ 
tinual alarm, and at last driven to the necessity ot destroy¬ 
ing himself, in order to escape captivity—and who 
is there that would envy his lot, or wish their last end to 
be like his. “ Died he not as a fool dies ?” How justly 
applicable to his fall, is that beautiful picture of prostrate 
ambition, which our immortal Bard has sketched in the 
character of Wolsey. 

“ I’ve touched the highest point of all my greatness, 

And, from that full meridian of my glory, 

I haste now to my setting. I shall fall. 

Like a bright exhalation in the evening, 

And no man see me more.-* 

•-Now I am left 

Weary, and old with service, to the mercy 
Of a rude stream, that must for ever hide me.” 


ESSAY VII. 

On the Macedonian Wars—Death o/'Scipio Africanus 
— Third Panic War—Destruction of Carthage. 

from A. C. 200—146. 

\ 

From the period of Roman History, at which we 
have now arrived, the concerns of that republic are 
intimately connected with those of almost the whole 
tivilized world. Most of the European, African, and 
Asiatic states, gradually became either tributary pro¬ 
vinces, or allies of the commonwealth. The legions of 
Rome were continually employed in foreign expeditions, 






ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OP ROME.. 


151 


intended either to enforce the subjection of countries 
already conquered, or to extend the boundaries of the 
empire. The enfeebled and degraded condition of 
Greece—the perpetual contests of the iEtolians and 
Achajans*—and especially the rivalry of those princes, 
between whom the Macedonian empire had been divided,.- 
opened a wide field to the ambition of Rome, and even, 
seemed to invite her interference. To this quarter there¬ 
fore, the attention of that republic was directed, im¬ 
mediately alter the conquest of Carthage. Two circum¬ 
stances which occurred at that time, afforded a plausible 
pretext for commencing hostilities in Greece; the one 
was, the discovery of some Macedonian soldiers amongst 
the prisoners taken by Scipio in the battle of Zama, 
from which it appeared that Philip had violated his 
treaty witli Rome by secretly assisting the Carthaginians ; 
and the other, an application made by the Athenians for 
succours, to defend them from Philip, who was desirous 
of adding that celebrated city to his other conquests 
in Greece. To these may be added, a general expecta¬ 
tion which was entertained at Rome, that Philip me¬ 
ditated a descent upon the coast of Italy. War with 
Macedon was therefore decreed in the Senate, and 
Sulpicius Galba, one of the consuls, was sent to conduct 
its operations. 

Sulpicius was joined by the Rhodians, the iEtolians, 
and by Attains, king of Pergamus, with whose assistance, 
lie defeated Philip in several engagements, and obliged 
him to raise the siege of Athens. He was succeeded by 
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, who carried on the war with 
still greater success. The Macedonians, after several 
destructive battles, were forced to submit to the terms 
dictated by the conqueror; the principal of which was, 
that Philip should withdraw his garrisons from the 
Grecian fortresses, and leave the republics to govern 
themselves by their own laws and usages. This tone of 
moderation, and apparent regard to the independence 
and liberty of Greece, gained over to the interests of 


* See Hist, of Greece. Book III. Essay 13, 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


m 


Rome all the stales which had been rescued by its arms 
from foreign usurpation. The popularity of the Romans 
was greatly increased by the proclamation of liberty and 
independence, which was made at the approaching 
Isthmian games, of which a more particular account 
is contained in the former volume.* 

No sooner was Philip of Macedon humbled, than the 
Romans turned their victorious arms against Antiochus, 
king of Syria, whose greatest offence seems to have been 
that he had sheltered Hannibal at his conrt, admitted him 
to his counsels, and refused to deliver him up, when 
demanded by the Romans. It was supposed or pre¬ 
tended, that Antiochus had secretly concerted with the 
Carthaginians, a simultaneous invasion of Italy and 
Greece, and that Hannibal, who was still living, was 
to be entrusted with the command of one of the invading 
armies. Whether these apprehensions were real or 
feigned, well or ill-founded, does not distinctly appear; 
it is however certain, that they formed an excuse for 
augmenting the Roman fleets and armies, and making 
immediate preparation for an arduous struggle, in which 
they expected again to encounter the most distinguished 
warrior of the age. But Antiochus, either prompted by 
a jealousy of the Carthaginian hero, or by alarm at the 
name of Scipio, who was sent into Asia at the head of a 
formidable army, made but a feeble resistance, which 
was followed by a disgraceful flight, and ended in a most 
dishonourable peace. The honour of this most brilliant 
expediiion, in consequence of the illness of Publius 
Scipio, was reaped by his brother Lucius, who was 
henceforth distinguished by the title of Jsiaticus, as 
Publius had long been by that oi' Africanus. 

Whilst these transactions were taking place in Asia 
and Greece, the Romans were fully occupied in Europe, 
with reducing the revolted provinces of Spain, and hold¬ 
ing in check the populous tribes of Gauls and Ligurians, 
who frequently ravaged the Roman frontiers, and carried 
on an irregular but most destructive warfare. These 


* Grec. Hist. Book III. Essay 13, 





tSSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


153 


various and constant occupations so completely engrossed 
tire attention of all classes of Roman citizens, that the old 
disputes between patricians and plebeians, and the 
former struggles for the Agrarian and other popular laws, 
were for a time forgotten, and a perfect domestic calm 
was enjoyed. But this period of internal tranquillity 
terminated with the return of the two Scipios from Asia, 
who were prosecuted by a faction that was envious of 
their reputation, and conspired their ruin. The con¬ 
queror of Carthage, when accused by the tribunes of 
having defrauded the common people of their portion of 
the spoils taken in war, disdained to reply, or to take any 
measures for his defence; but, suffering judgment to go 
by default, he retired to Linternum, a village of Cam¬ 
pania, where he died soon after, leaving an express order, 
that u his bones might not be carried to Rome for inter¬ 
ment amongst those, who had treated him with so much 
ingratitude, when living.’’ It is remarkable, that the 
same year terminated the life of this distinguished Roman, 
of his celebrated Carthaginian rival, and of Philopoemen, 
the last of the Grecian generals. 

At this period flourished Cato the Censor, whose 
discharge' of that office was distinguished by excessive 
severity. Many of the senators were degraded by his 
sole authority; luxuries and superfluities were forbidden; 
the Roman ladies were stripped of their jewels; and 
imposts were laid upon every species of extravagance, 
which foreign conquests and imported wealth had intro¬ 
duced. After the expiration of his censorship, he de¬ 
voted himself chiefly to literary pursuits, (with the 
exception of Grecian literature, to which he was de¬ 
cidedly adverse,) the education of his children, and rural 
occupations. He is supposed to have been the most 
ancient of the Roman Historians, and to have greatly 
excelled in that masculine eloquence, which was then 
cultivated so successfully by the Romans. It must not 
however be concealed, that this rigid censor of public 
manners was the secret slave of appetite, and addicted to 
the private indulgence of the most degrading vices. 

A second Macedonian war quickly followed the 
former, which, after having lasted three years, terminated 

ii 5 


154 STUDIES JN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

in the total overthrow of the kingdom of Macedon, and 
the capture of Perseus, the son of Philip, who then 
filled the throne. This successful and speedy issue 
of the contest was solely to be ascribed to the unrivalled 
talents of ^Einilius, the Roman general, who brought the 
captive monarch and his family to Rome, to grace his 
triumph. About the same time, a similar disgrace befel 
the king of Illyricum, whose territories as well as those 
of Perseus, were divided into Roman provinces, to be 
governed by praetors annually chosen by the Senate. 
Elated with these successes, the pride and ambition of 
the Romans knew no bounds. They seem to have con¬ 
sidered themselves as the umpires of the world, who pos¬ 
sessed the right of arbitrating between princes and their 
subjects, or between contending kingdoms, in the remotest 
climes. A remarkable instance of the arrogant tone in 
which they dictated to foreign princes, when in the ple¬ 
nitude of their power, has been recorded by several 
ancient historians. When Antiochus Epiphanes was 
pursuing a train of victories in Egypt, during the mi¬ 
nority of Ptolemy its hereditary prince, and, after having 
occupied the greater part of the kingdom, was pre¬ 
paring to besiege Alexandria, the Romans sent Popilius 
Lcenas to his camp, with a mandate from the Senate to 
desist from that enterprise. Antiochus, who was alike 
unwilling to relinquish his conquests, and to otfend the 
Romany hesitated to reply. But the Roman Legate, 
with the •tod which he held in his hand, drew a circle 
round the prince, and haughtily exclaimed, “ Determine, 
before you pass that line.” 

The enjoyment of uninterrupted tranquillity, and of 
an extensive commerce upwards of forty years, had 
restored Carthage to its former state of opulence and 
splendour, and rendered it once more an object of jea¬ 
lousy to the Romans. Often was it debated in the 
Senate, whether the interests of the republic did not 
require a third Punic war, and many concurred with 
Cato the Censor, in asserting not only its expediency, 
but its necessity. u Delenda est Carthago were the 


* Carthage must be destroyed. 








ESSAY VIT. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


155 


memorable words, with which that stern republican con¬ 
cluded every speech he delivered in the Senate for several 
years; nor did he rest, till a war of extermination was 
resolved upon, for which not even the slightest pretext 
could be found. Every effort was made by the Cartha¬ 
ginians to avert the storm. Ambassadors were sent to 
Rome, with full powers to make every reasonable con¬ 
cession which their haughty rival might demand, and. 
even the most unjust claims were instantly granted. Three 
hundred children belonging to the first families in Car¬ 
thage were delivered as hostages into the hands of the 
Romans ; a surrender was made of their country, cities, 
and lands, to the Roman commonwealth; nor were their 
arms and military stores withheld, when demanded by 
the Roman quaestors. Yet all was ineffectual; the pur¬ 
pose of destroying Carthage, though concealed, was not 
for a moment lost sight of by the Senate; and all these 
were but preparatory steps to its execution. No sooner 
were the deluded Carthaginians induced to surrender 
their means of defence, than they were informed, that 
c< they must abandon their city, which was to be rased to 
the ground; and that they were permitted to build 
another on any spot they might choose, not less than ten 
miles distant from the sea, upon condition that it was 
without walls or fortifications.” 

The Romans flattered themselves, that their precau¬ 
tionary measures had been so effectual that no resistance 
would now be made to this iniquitous proposal. But 
the attachment which nature inspires to our fire-sides 
and our altars, to the place of our birth and to the sepul¬ 
chres of our forefathers, operated so powerfully upon the 
minds of the Carthaginians, that they determined rather 
to perish amidst the ruins of their city, than to desert its 
battlements. Despair gave them courage, furnished them 
with new armour, and transformed at once a timid and 
subdued people, into a nation of heroes. Their vessels of 
silver and gold were moulded into weapons of war; their 
palaces and temples furnished timber for the construc¬ 
tion of military engines; and even the hair of their 
wives and daughters were made into cords and cables, 
with which to work them. The magazines were filled 


156 


BOOK II. 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 

with provisions, hastily'collected from the adjacent coun¬ 
try; and every thing indicated a fixed determination to 
sustain all the toils and sufferings of a protracted siege. 

The commencement of the siege was calamitous to 
the assailants, who were frequently repulsed with great 
loss. It is even probable that the Romans, after having 
spent several years before the walls of that city, and lost 
many thousand troops, would have been compelled to 
abandon the enterprise, if Scipio iEmilianus, the adopted 
son of Africanus, who was appointed to the command, 
had not found means to corrupt one of the Carthaginian 
generals, who brought over to the enemy the greater part 
of the Carthaginian cavalry, in which their strength 
chiefly consisted. After this act of perfidy, the city was 
soon taken, and the citadel invested, in which upwards 
of fifty thousand persons of different sexes were immured. 
The greater part of these, at length, accepted of quarter, 
and were taken captive by the Romans; but a small 
number, amongst whom were the wife and children of 
Asdrubal the Carthaginian general, having set fire to a 
temple, deliberately precipitated themselves into the 
flames. A general conflagration took place, which is 
said to have continued seventeen days, in which mul¬ 
titudes of the inhabitants, who still clung to their desolate 
dwellings, were consumed. Thus perished Carthage, a 
city, the most renowned of any which then existed, for 
arts, opulence, and extensive dominion, crushed by 
the iron grasp of her jealous rival, after having first been 
enfeebled by her own luxury and pride. In the same 
year a similar desolation overwhelmed Corinth, the rich¬ 
est city in Greece, under the direction of Mummius, the 
Roman Consul.* 

Polyb. lib. 13. et seq. Liv. Hist. lib. 33. &c. Plut. in vit. 
Ham. Paul. ./Emil. Calon. Appian in Punic. &c. 


* See Hist of Greece. Book III. Essay 14. 

\ 


v 




ESSAY VII. 


157 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The miscellaneous contents of the present essay sug¬ 
gest a variety of useful remarks, applicable to the various 
circumstances of human life. In the degraded slate of 
the Greeks, and the successive subversions of (he Mace¬ 
donian, Illyrian, and Syrian monarchies, we cannot but 
discern the mischievous influence of discord and jealousy. 
If the Grecian republics had remained united, as in the 
earlier period of their history, they had been invincible. 
Or if Alexander’s successors had acted in concert, instead 
of cherishing a spirit of rivalry and competition, th ir 
empires had been impregnable. But, whilst the Atolians 
were struggling with the Achaeans, and the king of 
Macedon with both—whilst Philip was contending with 
Eumenes, or Antiochus with Ptolemy—they severally 
became the easy prey of an insidious foe, who promised 
them libertv, but gave fetters—who professed modera¬ 
tion, but practised tyranny. Thus have the most im¬ 
portant advantages been given to the enemies of truth 
and holiness, by the disunion oft heir professed advocates. 
The sacred cause of the Redeemer has thus been weak¬ 
en'd and betrayed by the mutual jealousies and bitter 
animosities of those who seem to have espoused it. 
While “ Ephraim has vexed Judah, and Judah, 
Ephraim,” their common enemies have triumphed, and 
exclaimed, “ Aha! so would we have it.” 

The conduct of the Romans to Scipio Africanus 
evinced the basest ingratitude. To him they were in¬ 
debted not only for their safety and splendid success, 
but even for their national existence. He had withdrawn 
'a most formidable enemy from their gates, and raised the 
majesty of Rome to an elevation, which it had not pre¬ 
viously attained, and which, it is probable, it never 
would have attained, without the aid of his comprehen¬ 
sive genius. Yet tins public benefactor was slighted, 
accused, condemned, and driven into voluntary exile, 
by his ungrateful countrymen. Though confessedly one 
of the brightest ornaments of the republic, he was cast 
out with contempt, as unworthy to dwell within its 


158 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


borders; and though one of its most devoted patriots, he 
was so deeply affected with the injustice of his fellow- 
citizens, as not to suffer even his ashes to rest among 
them. There is nothing that wounds a sensible mind so 
deeply as ingratitude; nor is there any thing that fixes a 
deeper stain of infamy on the character either of nations 
or of individuals. 

- From the character of Cato the censor, we may learn 
that it is much easier to reprove the vices of others, than 
to correct our own—that a high reputation for virtue, 
and loud pretensions to superior sanctity, may be com¬ 
patible with the secret indulgence of sin—and that it 
is possible to conceal the most degrading habits, and the 
most ferocious dispositions, beneath a mask of severe 
morality and fervent patriotism. Thus while Cato in¬ 
veighed against the dissipation and luxury of the times, 
liis latent vices escaped detection ; and whilst he loudly 
called for the destruction of Carthage, none supposed 
that he was gratifying a revengeful temper instead of 
pleading his country’s cause. What a mixture of im¬ 
purity and insincerity is to be found in the motives and 
actions even of the best of men, of which they are 
sometimes scarcely conscious themselves, much less can 
it be detected by others. Whoever has properly con¬ 
sidered the deceitfulness and desperate wickedness of the 
human heart, will be convinced of the necessity of ex¬ 
amining most minutely into the springs and motives of 
our actions—not only of those which are doubtful, but 
of those also which seem most decidedly virtuous. For 
it should be remembered that our Saviour, who knew 
what was in man, found it necessary to caution even his 
chosen disciples, against “ the leaven of the Pharisees, 
which is hypocrisy 

The cruel and unjust policy of the Romans towards 
their fallen rival, bears but too strong a resemblance to 
the methods pursued by our spiritual adversaries, to 
accomplish our destruction. First they profess friend¬ 
ship—then deprive us of our means of defence—and 
finally lead us into captivity. If the Carthaginians had 
been sufficiently alive to their danger, before they were 
induced by fraud and treachery t,o surrender their arras; 



ESSAY VIII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 159 

or even if, after having* been thus deceived, they had 
adhered firmly to each other, they would have probably 
escaped destruction. If vve would shun temptation, we 
must be vigilant—we must be steadfast—we must make no 
unworthy compromises,—nor so much as for a moment 
may we listen to the treacherous proposals of those, 
"who, whatever they may profess, are bent upon our 
ruin. 

Though no excuse can be made for the perfidy and 
injustice of the Romans in the whole of this sanguinary 
proceeding, it is not difficult to discern the hand of the 
God of Vengeance, working “ by terrible things in 
righteousness,” the purpose of his own will. Carthage 
and Corinth, cities which were rivals in commerce, in 
wealth, and in profligacy of manners, were cotemporaries 
in their final desolation. The same instrument was se¬ 
lected by the Sovereign of the Universe, to sweep them, 
as with the besom of destruction. At the same moment 
the measure of their iniquity was filled up, and the 
storm of wrath descended with desolating fury. On the 
ruins of both are inscribed in flaming characters, 
66 Though hand join in hand, yet shall not the wicked 
go unpunished.” 


ESSAY VIII. 

On the character and death of the Gracchi. 

Tiberius died A. C. 132. Caius died A. C. 120. 

The persons, whose names are prefixed to the present 
essay, lived and flourished at a very eventful period. 
Their conduct has been variously represented, according 
to the political principles of tiieir biographers. Some 
have loaded them with opprobrium, as traitors to their 
country, and have affixed to their public measures the 
odious name of sedition; whilst others have eulogized 
them in the most extravagant terms, pronouncing them 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


160 


martyrs to tlio sacred cause of liberty, and patriots of t he 
highest order. The truth, it is probable, lies between 
the two opinions. The following facts seem to justify 
the conclusion, that thoy were honest in intention, but 
imprudent in action; and that as they proceeded in 
their career, they suffered themselves to be hurried by 
their passions into measures, which would have proved 
injurious, if not fatal ?o the republic. 

The Sempronian family, from which the Gracchi 
were descended, though plebeian, was one of the most 
illustrious in Rome. Their father, Tiberius Sempronius 
Gracchus, had attained to high distinction, having been 
twice Consul, and honoured with two triumphs ; nor was 
it his least distinction, to be married to Cornelia, the 
daughter of Scipto Afriranus, a woman of an exalted 
mind, of polished taste, and of extensive erudition.— 
Eminently qualified by her literary attainments tor the 
pleasing task, she charged herself with the entire educa¬ 
tion of her sons. This accomplished preceptress un¬ 
folded to her pupils all the rich stores of Grecian 
literature, which then began to be in high estimation ; 
and, by her lessons, they were early initiated into an ac¬ 
quaintance with the prevailing systems of philosophy, 
whose moral maxims were inculcated with all the earnest¬ 
ness of maternal solicitude and .affection. The fruit of 
these early advantages appeared in the superiority of her 
youthful charge to their cotemporaries, in every kind of 
intellectual attainment. Tiberius, the elder of her sons, 
grew up all that a mother’s fondest wishes could desire; 
the most learned, eloquent, and accomplished of Roman 
youths. After having spent his juvenile days beneath 
the eye, and in attending to the instructions of his excel¬ 
lent mother, Tiberius repaired to the Roman camp, and 
held for several years an important post in the army of 
Scipio AErnilianus, who had previously married his sister 
Sempronia. But military occupations were ill adapted 
to his taste, and soon relinquished for the study of law, 
and tiie practice of eloquence; in the latter of which, 
lie was so great a proficient, as to be reputed at thirty 
years of age, by far the most perfect orator of his day. 

Unhappily Tiberius Gracchus had formed an early 



ESSAY VIII, THE HISTORY OF ROME. 1G t 

and deeply-rooted aversion to the Senate, by whom he 
had been treated with injustice during his qmestorship in 
Spain, and whose arbitrary proceedings had repeatedly 
lilied him with disgust. This sentiment was strengthened 
by the scenes of oppression he had witnessed in liis travels 
through Italy, where he had observed that a compara¬ 
tively small number of wealthy individuals treated not 
only their slaves, but even the poorer Roman citizens, 
with the utmost cruelty. These instances of barbarity, 
as often as they hail attracted his notice, harrowed up 
his soul; and prompted the generous resolution of be¬ 
coming the friend of the poor, and the avenger of the 
oppressed. That he might accomplish his purpose more 
effectually, he obtained his election to the office of tribune, 
which would constitute him the official guardian of the 
rights and privileges of his fellow-citizens. The first 
exercise of his tribunitial authority was to propose the 
revival of the Licinian Law (which had long become 
obsolete) in a modified form, and suited to the altered 
circumstances of the republic. It was not however to be 
expected that a measure, which had encountered so much 
opposition, when proposed two hundred and fifty years 
before, and at a time when the territories of the republic 
were exceedingly limited, would be carried without the 
most determined opposition from the senate and nobles, 
now that the conquests of the republic were so extensive, 
and its wealth was so abundant. 

Every effort was made to prevent the adoption of 
tliis new Agrarian Law. The most popular orators were . 
employed to declaim against it on alt public occasions. 
The senators represented to the people the confusion and 
anarchy, which must arise from the execution of so ob¬ 
noxious a measure. When all these expedients failed, the 
last resource was to gain over to their party one of the 
tribunes, whose simple veto was sufficient to stay pro¬ 
ceedings. With extreme mortification, Tiberius Grac¬ 
chus found on the day appointed for the proposition of 
his law, that Octavius Caecina, one of his colleagues, to 
whom he was warmly attached, had been gained by the 
Senate, and that no entreaties or arguments could induce 
him to withhold his prohibition. From this period, 


162 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK IT. 


Tiberius seems to have acted under the influence of 
irritation, rather than sound judgment. To this cause is 
to be attributed the impetuosity of his future proceedings, 
which terminated so fatally to himself, and so calamit¬ 
ously to the republic. Baffled, but not subdued, he re¬ 
sorted to the most violent measures; by virtue of his autho¬ 
rity as tribune, he suspended all magistracies in Rome; 
lie laid the state itself under a temporary interdict, and 
even proceeded so far as to procure the expulsion of his 
refractory colleague from the Tribunate, by a vote of the 
assembly. The chief obstacle to the execution of his 
design being now removed, he again proposed his law, 
to which were now added some clauses still more offen¬ 
sive to the rich, and more favourable to the interests of 
the lower classes of citizens. It was carried with the • 
utmost enthusiasm, and commissioners were appointed to 
superintend its execution. These were Tiberius Grac¬ 
chus himself, Appius Claudius his father-in-law, and his 
younger brother Cains Gracchus, then serving under 
Scipio at (he siege of Nurnantia. 

A ferment was immediately excited in every part of 
Italy by the attempts of the commissioners to enforce the 
execution of this statute. The wealthy citizens, who . 
were deprived of a great part of their possessions, became 
exceedingly clamorous; and the poor, who had formed 
the most extravagant expectations, were scarcely less 
tumultuous and discontented. Many of the citizens ap¬ 
peared in mourning, as in a time of public calamity, and 
Gracchus either was, or affected to consider himself, in 
continual danger of assassination. A circumstance which 
occurred at that time, afforded the tribune an opportunity 
of increasing his popularity, and mortifying the senate 
and nobles in the highest degree. Attains, king of Per- 
gamus, at his death, bequeathed all his possessions to the 
Romans: the Senate intended to make this valuable 
legacy a source of private emolument, or of public pa¬ 
tronage ; but Gracchus prevailed upon the people to pass 
a decree which required that all those treasures should be 
divided amongst the poorest of the Roman citizens, at the 
discretion of the above-mentioned commissioners. These 
repeated aggressions upon the power and privileges of 


ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


163 


the Senate, were represented by them, as so many deli¬ 
berate attempts to subvert the constitution ; and induced 
them to menace the Tribune with impeachment, as soon 
as his office should expire. In order to protect himself 
from this threatened prosecution, he resolved, though in 
violation of the laws of Rome, to obtain his re-election to 
the tribunate, by the favour of the people: and with this 
view, announced several popular laws which he intended 
to introduce in the following year. But to this new in¬ 
fringement upon the constitution, the aristocracy deter¬ 
mined not to submit. They even resolved, if necessary, 
to oppose force to force ; they voted that 66 the common¬ 
wealth was in danger;” and instructed the Consuls “ to 
provide for the safety of the state,”—measures which 
were only resorted to on the most alarming occasions. 
The Consul Mucins Scaevola, who had acted with 
T. Gracchus in the commencement of his political career, 
refused to carry into effect the violent resolutions of the 
Senate; but Scipio Nasica, one of (he more intemperate 
of that body, called upon his associates to follow him to 
the forum, where the scribes were already assembled for 
the election of tribunes. 

The entrance of so numerous a body of the most dis¬ 
tinguished citizens of Rome, impressed the assembly 
with awe. Tiberius, beloved as he was by the people, 
and surrounded by thousands of his most zealous parti¬ 
sans, was almost immediately deserted. The senators 
pressed forward through the crowd to seize him ; one of 
them approached so near as to lay hold of his robe ; but 
the tribune, leaving it in his hand, attempted to escape 
by flight from the tumult. In his haste, he fell, and 
before he could recover himself was stunned by a violent 
blow from one of his colleagues, who was either envious 
of his popularity, or secretly in the interest of the Senate. 
His patrician adversaries in the mean time came up, and 
killed him with repeated blows. Nearly three hundred 
of his party perished with him, all whose bodies, together 
with that of Tiberius, were cast into the Tiber, by order 
of the Senate. Nor could the afflicted mother of the 
tribune, or his younger and yet unoffending brother Caius, 
obtain permission to pay the customary honours of inter- 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK IT. 


164 


ment to his remains. After this melancholy event, Cor¬ 
nelia retired to Campania, and Cains, seeming to shun ail 
public notice, continued his studies at Rome. 

The death of Tiberius did not, however, restore 
tranquillity to Rome. For, allhbugh many of his par¬ 
tisans either fell with him, or were subsequently tried and 
condemned, yet many others were left, who only wanted 
a vigorous leader, around whose standard of opposition 
they might rally. Such were Fulvios Flaccus and Papi- 
rius Carbo, who had been nominated as commissioners 
for executing the Agrarian Law, in the place of Appius 
Claudius, and Tiberius Gracchus. These unquiet spirits 
continually devised some new project, tending to keep 
alive the animosities between (he Senate and people, and 
to gratify the latter at the expence of the former. For 
several years, it was not known, whether Cains Gracchus 
would tread in the perilous steps of his brother; or 
whether, yielding to the earnest entreaties of his mother 
Cornelia, who now exerted all her influence to dissuade 
him from embarking on the tempestuous sea of political 
discord, he would spend his days in literary retirement. 
Unhappily, ambition prevailed over the dictates of filial 
affection, and promp ed him to signalize himself by pur¬ 
suing exactly the same course, which had proved so fatal 
to Tiberius. 


Having discharged the office of quaestor iri Sardinia 
with great fidelity and applause, Cains returned to Rome 
without having been recalled by the Senate, whose policy 
it had been to keep at a distance so popular and danger¬ 
ous a rival. On his return, he was elected tribune,, an 
office which gave full scope to his oratorical powers, 
which were even greater than those of Tiberius, and at 
which all who aimed at distinguished popularity aspired. 
His first tribunate was distinguished by so many popular 
laws, that he was re-elected to that office with compara¬ 
tively little difficulty. The senators found it impossible 
to contend with this formidable opponent without cm- 
ploying his own weapons. They therefore persuaded 
Livius Drusus, one of the tribunes, to rival Gains in all 
his most popular measures by proposing others yet more 
acceptable to the lower classes, and thus gradually to 


ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


165 


alienate (he affections of the people from him. They 
even made concessions which were unsolicited, that Caius 
might not have the credit of proposing them. By such 
arttul proceedings, the way was prepared for the catas¬ 
trophe which quickly followed. When a favourable 
opportunity presented itself for appealing to the sword, 
the wavering and undecided populace scarcely knew to 
which of their leaders they should cleave. Caius was 
deserted in the hour of danger; his most zealous fol¬ 
lowers forsook him and fled; and he himself, finding it 
impossible by any other means to escape from his en¬ 
raged adversaries, requested one of his few faithful 
attendants to terminate his existence. The request was 
complied with, and the slave who executed it, im¬ 
mediately afterwards fell upon his own sword. The 
tumult which preceded and followed this event proved 
more sanguinary than that in which Tiberius fell, since it 
is stated, that upwards of 3000 of the slain were cast into 
the Tiber. The head of Caius was afterwards brought to 
the Consul by an obscure individual; who was rewarded 
with its weight in gold ; and the effects of all the prin¬ 
cipal partisans of the Gracchi-were confiscated. 

Hie administration of the Gracchi, and especially of 
Caius, notwithstanding its turbulence, was the most splen¬ 
did in tlie annals of the republic. For during that 
period, public works of great utility were carried on in 
different parts of Italy, flourishing colonies were planted 
in various parts of Asia and Africa, wars were success¬ 
fully carried on in Spain and Gaul; and part of the 
latter country was for the first time subdued and formed 
into a Roman province. Some of the laws too which 
were introduced by these unfortunate youths were con¬ 
fessedly of great importance to the state, and as such 
were preserved in force, long after their authors had 
ignobly perished. But from the period of their death, 
the Republic became more corrupt, and rapidly ad¬ 
vanced to that dissolution, the circumstances and instru¬ 
ments of which will be more fully described in the 
following essay. 

Pint, in vit. Tib. et Cai. Gracch. Appian. de Bell. Civil. 
Cieeron. Oper. Yell. Paterc. I lwr. &cc. 



166 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


REFLECTIONS. 

If it Here within the design of the present work, to 
survey the political aspect of characters and events, the 
facts which have been just stated, and the lives of the 
Roman brethren with whom those facts were intimately 
connected, would afford an excellent opportunity for 
indulging in such a train of reflections. But as it is 
infinitely more important to promote the moral and reli¬ 
gious instruction of youth, than to accustom them to 
political speculations; this view of the subject, however 
interesting to the legislator and statesman, will be passed 
over with merely a cursory remark. It is impossible 
however not to learn from such occurrences, that those 
public discontents, in which tumults and seditions ori¬ 
ginate, grow out of a luxurious state of society, and a 
corrupt form of government; that when a people and 
their rulers have proceeded to certain lengths in public 
and private corruption, to attempt their reformation is a 
hopeless task, and can only bring down speedy and 
certain ruin on those who undertake it, as appears from 
the fate of Agis and Cleomenes in Sparta,* and that of 
the Gracchi in Rome; and, finally, that the best inten¬ 
tions and purest motives will not justify the adoption of 
such violent measures, as cannot fail to disturb the peace 
of society, and to introduce every species of anarchy and 
confusion. 

The more general reflections suggested by the pre¬ 
ceding narrative, are the importance of maternal instruc¬ 
tions—the frequent disappointment of parental hopes— 
and the unprofitableness of a life spent in the service of 
the world. 

When it is considered, that the earliest access to the 
mind is obtained, that the first impressions are made, 
and that the primary (dements of knowledge are com¬ 
municated, through the medium of maternal tenderness 


* See Hist, of Greece. Took III. Essay 12. 




ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


167 

anil affection—it will be felt by all, that too great atten¬ 
tion cannot be paid to the nature of (hose impressions, 
and the qualities of that knowledge. Since upon these 
will depend, in a great degree, the character which is 
formed, and the habits which are preserved through life, 
it is of the utmost importance, that they be regulated by 
right principles, and aim at the most excellent objects. 
Had the accomplished daughter of Scipio Africanus 
attended to this in the education of her sons, she would 
have exerted all her influence to curb their youthful 
ambition, instead of inflaming it, as she is said to have 
done, by frequently exclaiming, “ how long shall I be 
distinguished in Rome as the mother-in-law of Scipio, 
rather than as the mother of the Gracchi.” Too late did 
she arrive at a conviction, that the love of glory, and the 
desire of popular applause, which she hail excited in the 
breasts of her pupils, and which afterwards she endea¬ 
voured in vain to extinguish, were the most fruitful 
sources of distress to her own mind, and of danger to the 
children of her fondest hopes. Surely from such an 
affecting example, Christian parents might derive much 
useful instruction. Let them communicate no knowledge 
to their beloved offspring, but that which is purified by 
the influence of truth and virtue. Let them cherish no 
dispositions in themselves, nor inculcate any on their 
children, but those which accord with the spirit of the 
gospel, and tend to the practice of piety. Let them not 
form elevated and soaring expectations of worldly dis¬ 
tinction and aggrandizement, either for themselves or 
their youthful charge; lest they, like Cornelia, should 
plant a sword in their own bowels, and descend to the 
grave, amidst the utter wreck of all their parental hopes, 
and domestic comfort. 

The lives both of Tiberius and Caius were short, but 
they were spent, after their education was completed, in 
the most unwearied and active xertions. And what 
recompeuce did they receive—what was the fruit of all 
their labours ? They enjoyed, it is true—if enjoyment it 
can be called—a popularity, which proved transient ns the 
morning dew. They were applauded, during a few short 
months or years, by the fickie multitude, to whose service 




STUDIES IX HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


168 


they had devoted themselves, and of whose caprice they 
had such painf ul experience. But, in the hour of danger, 
they were basely deserted by those in whom they had 
confided; surrounded by their infuriated adversaries, 
they were left to perish, unhonoured and unlamented, 
without one effort having been made for their rescue, or 
one reward, save that of ignominy and death, having 
crowned their patriotic efforts. Such methinks are the 
wages paid by an ungrateful world to her most devoted 
slaves. Ilow many have toiled in her service from the 
morning to the evening of life, and have reaped nothing 
but shame and sorrow, guilt and death ! The condition 
of her wretched votaries is most exactly and beatifully 
described by the pen of Inspiration ; 44 It shall even be 
as when a hungry man dreameth, and behold he eateth—■ 
but, he awaketh, and his soul is empty; or, as when a 
thirsty man dreameth, and behold he drinkefh—but, he 
awaketh, and behold he is faint, and his soul hath ap¬ 
petite.” Nor is the representation less just and beautiful, 
which may be gathered from the same sacred source, of 
their final disappointment and destruction. 44 The hail 
shall sweep away their refuge of lies, and the waters 
shall overflow their hiding-place; their covenant with 
death shall be disannulled, and their agreement with the 
grave shall not stand ; wiien tlie overflowing scourge 
shall pass through, then shall they be trodden down 
by it.” 


ESSAY IX. 


On Marius and Sylla. 


from A. C. 119—77. 

The golden age of the republic was now past—in 
which the Roman Senators, answering to their appellation 
of 44 Conscript Fathers,” manifested a paternal regard for 
the commonwealth—in which the Consuls and Dictators 




ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OE ROME. 169 

were elected to their high office, on account of their 
patriotism and virtue alone, without bribery or corrup¬ 
tion—and in which the mutual concessions of the higher 
and lower classes demonstrated, that both were willing 
to sacrifice their private interests to the public good. 
The period on which we are now entering, whether 
considered with reference to the moral degradation that 
took place, the atrocities that were practised, or the 
despotism that prevailed, can only be denominated, the 
iron age of Rome. 

The foreign conquests of the republic, and especially 
the entire subversion of the Carthaginian and Macedo¬ 
nian empires, had not only elevated her to an unparalleled 
height of power and opulence ; but had also introduced 
into her counsels and administration every species of 
political corruption. Together with the wealth which 
was now poured into her treasury from every quarter of 
the globe, were imported all the luxuries and vices of 
the subjugated provinces; till Rome herself had become 
as venal and corrupt, as the most vitiated and profligate 
of her fallen rivals. Of the justice of this charge, the 
facts which will be briefly narrated in the present essay, 
afford the most demonstrative evidence. Ample and 
circumstantial as are the records of tills most calamitous 
period, we shall pass as rapidly as possible over the 
distressing detail of those intrigues, conscriptions, and 
murders, which were practised by the sanguinary despots, 
whose names have just been stated. 

Caius Marius was a native of Arpinum, an obscure 
village in that part of Italy, which had formerly been 
called Samnium, but was now incorporated into the 
territories of Rome. He was of lowly origin, and rustic 
manners; wholly destitute of the advantages of a liberal 
education ; and early trained to the use of arms, the sole 
employment in which he delighted. His stature was 
considerably above the ordinary height; his features 
were stern and ferocious, calculated at once to inspire 
terror, and excite disgust; his spirit was resolute and 
inflexible; his ambition, insatiable and boundless. Such 
was the ruthless barbarian, (for a milder appellation 
cannot, with justice, be given to him,) who, almost 

. i 


170 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

immediately after the death of the Gracchi, seized upon 
the helm of state, and tyrannized alike over the Senate and 
people of Rome. Notwithstanding the obscurity of his 
birth, he rapidly proceeded, or rather, was borne along 
by the resistless energy of his character, through all the 
gradations of civil and military distinction, till he 
obtained the supreme magistracy, to which, contrary 
to the laws and usage of the republic, he was elected 
seven times. 

Cornelius Sylla, his younger, but ultimately more 
successful rival, was of a patrician family, which had 
formerly held the first ofiices in the state, but was now 
impoverished and decayed. Yet from a regard to their 
former dignity, the parents of Sylla had taken care to 
educate him in all the learning of Greece and Rome, 
that he m'ght support in future life the rank to which 
his promising talents were likely to elevate him. In his 
youth, he was devoted to gaiety and dissipation, and 
his early associates were the most dissolute of the Roman 
citizens. In order to detach him from these pernicious 
connections, a quaestors!)ip under Marius, (who was at 
that time engaged in a war with Jugurtha, the king of 
Numidia,) was obtained for him, and occasioned his 
first appearance in public. Though wholly unaccus¬ 
tomed to a military life, and at first despised by Marius, 
as an effeminate and luxurious youth, he soon discovered 
a capacity, which commanded the respect and confidence 
of his troops, and awakened the jealousy of the general 
under whom he served. The learning and eloquence of 
the Qumstor, which Marius affected to ridicule as ber- 
neath the dignity of a soldier, were talents which lie 
frequently found it necessary to employ, and which 
pointed out Sylla, as the most proper person to conduct 
conferences and negociations with the enemies of the 
republic. The success which crowned the diplomatic 
missions of Sylla, partly eclipsed the military glory of 
Marius, and laid a foundation for that rivalry, which 
subsequently proved so disgraceful to themselves, and 
calamitous to their country. 

The Jugurthine rear, which chiefly owes its celebrity 
to the talents of those ancient historians, who have so 


ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


171 


minutely described all its operations, originated in a 
quarrel between Adherbal and Hiempsal, the two grand¬ 
sons of Massinissa; and Jugurtha, the nephew and 
adopted son of their father Micipsa. These three 
youths, having been left joint-heirs to the kingdom of 
Numidia, could not agree on the distribution of its 
provinces, but referred the question to the Roman senate. 
Notwithstanding this appeal, Jugurtha treacherously 
murdered the two princes, who stood in the way of his 
ambition, and claimed the undivided sovereignty of that 
wealthy and extensive empire. Relying partly on his 
address, and partly on his treasures, he first sent com¬ 
missioners to Rome, and afterwards came in person, 
to conciliate the leading men in the republic. By 
lavishing his great wealth upon a few of the principal 
senators, he gained them over to his interest; but as he 
was unable to purchase all, or even a majority of that 
once honourable, but now venal body, he left Rome 
without having succeeded in his embassy, exclaiming 
as lie passed through its gates, “ Here is a city to be 
sold, if a purchaser could but be foiind.” The conduct 
of the Numidian war was committed first to Albinus, 
who was surprised by. Jitgurtlia, and forced into a dis¬ 
graceful capitulation, which the Roman senate refused to 
ratify; and afterwards to Metellus, who gained several 
victories, took all the fortified cities of Numidia, and 
drove its vanquished monarch into Mauritania. Wheii 
the last despairing struggle of Jugurtha was about to 
take place, Metellus was suddenly recalled, and the 
command given to; Marius, at that time a subordinate 
officer in his army. The vigour of Marius, combined 
with the dexterity of Sylla, speedily brought the con¬ 
test, to so favourable an issue, that the conquerors had 
tiie satisfaction of seeing their adversary conducted to 
** Rome in chains to grace their triumphal procession; 
after which he was cast into a dungeon, and left to 
perish for want. 

Scarcely had the Jugurthirie war terminated, when 
the Romans were alarmed by the intelligence, that a host 
of barbarians, belonging to different tribes, but all of 
whom were known by the common name of Cirnbri, 





172 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

amounting to upwards of 300,000 men, were about to 
invade Italy. None but Marius was considered equal 
to the task of encountering this formidable enemy; he 
was therefore re-elected to the consulship, previously to 
his return from Africa, in violation both of the laws of 
the republic, and of ancient usage. No sooner had he 
entered the city in triumph, on account of his late suc¬ 
cesses in Numidia and Mauritania, than he marched to 
meet the Cimbri, whom he completely overthrew in 
several dreadful battles, with a loss, on the part of 
the invaders, of 140,000 killed, and 60,000 prisoners. 
This was quickly followed, by what has been called the 
Social zmr , in which the struggle was between the 
Romans and their allies, respecting the right of citizen¬ 
ship. All the Italian states which had been conquered, 
and incorporated with the empire, laid claim to the 
privileges and immunities of Roman citizens. In this 
claim, they were warmly supported by Livius Drusus, 
who had formerly been the popular antagonist of Caius 
Gracchus, and who now sought to increase his popularity 
by obtaining for the discontented allies the freedom of 
Rome. The project was strenuously opposed both by 
the senate and people of Rome, who chose rather to 
engage in a new war—a war with their own subjects— 
and, in many instances, with their nearest relatives, than 
to share with them the proud distinction of Roman 
citizens. This contest proved so arduous, that it became 
necessary to employ the combined talents of Marius and 
Sylla, who conducted it with various and doubtful suc¬ 
cess more than two years, when it was concluded, by 
conceding to all, except the Sammies and Lucanians, 
the privileges for which they contended. These two 
states were excluded from the general indulgence, partly 
on account of the vigour with which they had entered 
into the war, and partly, that Sylla, on whom the chief 
command had devolved, might be honoured with a 
splendid trium Ph- 

Whilst this destructive contest was proceeding, events 
took place, which led to the first Mithridatic war . Mi- 
thridates, the most powerful and warlike of the Asiatic 
princes, had availed himself of the embarrassed circum- 


ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROMF. 173 

stances of the Romans, to invade and conquer several of 
their eastern provinces. He had already added to his 
hereditary kingdom of Pontus, the extensive provinces of 
Bitbynia, Cappadocia, Thrffce, and Macedon, and, in 
the true spirit of a conqueror, was now proceeding in his 
march to take possession of Greece. The Romans felt 
the necessity of bringing the Social war to a speedy ter¬ 
mination, that they might be at liberty to employ all their 
energies and resources in arresting the progress of this 
eastern conquerer. Sylla, who was at that time the most 
popular general, was appointed to the command; but 
Alarms, who could not endure the success of his rival, 
availed himself of his absence, to summon an assembly of 
the people, and obtain a transfer of the command from 
s yHa to himself. Neither Sylla, however, nor his army, 
were disposed to regard the mandates of the Marian 
faction. On the contrary, that general, having put to 
death the commissioners who were sent by Marius to 
deprive him of the command, entered Rome at the head 
of his legions, dispersed the leaders of that party, and 
obtained a decree of the Senate, which declared Marius 
and his most zealous partisans enemies to their country. 
It was with the utmost difficulty, that Marius and his 
eldest son effected their escape. This enterprising and 
hardy veteran, on one occasion, when closely pursued, 
was constrained to hide himself in the marshes of Min- 
turnum, where he spent the whole night up to his chin in 
mire and water. On another occasion, when appre¬ 
hended, and on the point of being executed, he disarmed 
the slave who was sent into his dungeon to put him to 
death, by the sternness of his countenance, and the tone of 
dignity with which he exclaimed, u Who art thou that 
hast the presumption to kill Caius Marius ?” Having 
contrived to extricate himself from his danger, he passed 
over into Africa, where he solicited succour from the 
Roman governor of Carthage, who had once been his 
friend—but who now denied him even the melancholy 
gratification of dwelling, a solitary outcast, amidst the 
ruins of that desolated city. 

But to relate all the incredible adventures of this un¬ 
daunted chief during his exile, would probably be to 


174 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

indulge imagination at the expence of truth. Suffice it 
to say, that whilst he was roving in foreign climes, 
exposed to extreme hardships and dangers, his faction 
again prevailed at Rome, in Consequence of the elevation 
of Cinna to the consulship; and the exertions of the 
younger Marius, who had collected a considerable army 
from different parts of Italy. Marius was recalled, 
whilst Sylla was carrying on with success the Mithri- 
datic war, and having entered the city at the head of his 
troops, commenced a career of horrible butchery, to 
which the history of the world will scarcely furnish a 
parallel. All who were known, or even suspected to be 
of Sylla’s party, were massacred without distinction. 
Terror universally prevailed. Even the friends and 
officers of the inhuman tyrant trembled when they ap¬ 
proached him. So practised were his guards in the 
work of carnage and murder, that they considered even 
his silence, a warrant to assassinate all whom he did not 
deign to salute. Many of the most illustrious Senators 
preferred to perish by their own hands, rather than sub¬ 
ject themselves to the indignities and barbarities, which 
Marius had destined for them. But whilst wading 
through this sea of blood, the murderer was himself sud¬ 
denly arrested by the hand of death. Before he expired, 
he is said to have been a terror to himself. His disor¬ 
dered imagination continually presented to him objects 
which filled him with the utmost alarm. He seemed 
constantly to hear sounds reverberated, the import of 
which was, u Horrid is the dying lion’s den.” His 
death took place in the beginning of his seventh con¬ 
sulate, and in the seventieth year of his age. 

But his deatli was far from giving tranquillity and 
security to Rome. Sylla had been proscribed by Marius 
as the enemy of Rome, and a price set upon his head. 
Indignant at this treatment, he concluded hastily the 
war with Mithridates, in which he had obtained many 
splendid victories, and brought back his legions laden 
with spoils, and corrupted by indulgence, to renew the 
late scenes of carnage, by inflicting summary vengeance 
upon his enemies. On his return to Rome, he was met 
by Pompey, who then began to make a figure in the 


ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROME. J7/> 

republic. This celebrated captain had fled from the 
cruelties of Marius, and now joined the standard of 
Sylla, with a considerable armed force. Attempts were 
made by the younger Marius and others, to obstruct the 
march of Sylla’s victorious army, but all were fruitless. 
After having routed all the armies that were sent to 
oppose him, he marched to Home, entered the capital, 
and immediately assembled the Senate, who waited in 
trembling suspense, the commands of the conqueror. 
Whilst he was calmly haranguing on the late disorders, 
and the necessity of restoring order and public security, 
the mingled shrieks and groans of nearly eight thousand 
prisoners were heard from an adjacent building, whom 
his soldiers had been instructed to pill to the sword. The 
Senators, greatly terrified by these piercing accents of 
distress, and ignorant of their cause, started from their 
seats ; but Sylla coldly informed them, that t( they only 
heard the cries of a few wretches, who were suffering the 
punishment due to their crimesand then proceeded in 
his discourse. A scene of promiscuous murder followed, 
that baffles all description. The names of multitudes of 
proscribed persons were publicly exhibited, and rewards 
offered for their heads; by which means slaves were 
armed against their masters, children against their 
parents, and private individuals authorized to wield the 
sword of vengeance. 

At length Sylla himself was sated with revenge, and 
the proscription lists were no longer published. But the 
guilty author of these atrocities felt the necessity of re¬ 
taining the authority which he had usurped, and therefore 
appointed himself perpetual Dictator. So completely 
were the people intimidated by the carnage they had 
lately witnessed, that they surrendered their liberties to 
the oppressor almost without a struggle. They saw, 
with an apathy which was the natural result of the terror 
that had preceded it, the republican form of government 
subverted, and a military despotism erected on its ruins. 
Such however was the caprice of Sylla, that after having 
retained this usurped dignity two years, he became 
weary of office, resigned the dictatorship, and voluntarily 
returned to the station of a private citizen. He even 


176 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


ventured to challenge an inquiry into his public conduct, 
by openly declaring that if any Roman citizens were dis¬ 
posed to accuse him before an assembly of the people, he 
was prepared to defend himself. Whether fear or for¬ 
bearance influenced them, might perhaps be questioned ; 
it is however agreed, that no prosecution took place, and 
that Sylla ended his days in retirement. But, though he 
escaped the vengeance of men, his cruelties met with a 
Temarkable retribution of Providence. The manner and 
circumstances of his death were most humiliating and 
distressing; for he is said to have been suddenly seized 
with an incurable disease, by which he became intoler- 
ably loathsome to himself and his friends, long before he 
expired. The inscription written by himself, and placed 
upon his tomb, was to the following effect: “ Here lies 
Sylla, whose kindness to his friends and hatred to his 
enemies was never surpassed.” 

Plut. in Mar. etSyll. Appian de Bel. Civil, et Mith. Sallust, 
de Beil. Jugurth. Valer. Maxim, Liv. et Ciceron. Oper. 


REFLECTIONS. 

It is truly lamentable to observe the depreciation 
which had taken place in the national character of the 
Romans, at the date of the preceding transactions. In 
vain should we look at this period for a Cincinnatus, a 
Fabricius, or a Regulus—men who could with difficulty 
be induced to quit their beloved retirement, in order to 
guide the helm of state—who were content at the expi¬ 
ration of their oifice to return to the lowly walks of life, 
with no other reward than the satisfaction of having 
served their country—and whose incorruptible fidelity 
disdained a bribe, by whomsoever it might be offered. 
A new race had now arisen, consisting of men of dege¬ 
nerate principles and depraved habits, whose character 
fully justified the satire of Jugurtha, when he repre¬ 
sented the whole city as exhibited for sale. Who can 


ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


177 


wonder that such a people should be the prey of every 
despot, and that the Roman Senate, which, in its pristine 
purity, had made the most powerful monarchs tremble on 
their thrones, should, in its turn, tremble and turn pale 
at the frown of an oppressor ? Who can wonder, that, 
in such a time of public degeneracy, the appalling spec¬ 
tacle of a Marius and Sylla should obtrude itself upon 
our sight; men who, to gratify their insatiable ambition 
or private revenge, could wade through seas of blood—. 
the blood of their fellow-citizens ? So have promising 
and hopeful youths, not unfrequently been vitiated by 
degrees; they have proceeded from one species of vice 
and profligacy to another, till they have become the pests 
of society, and have u treasured up to themselves wrath 
against the day of wrath.” Thus too have many 
apostatised from a zealous profession of religion, and, 
after having pressed forward to the farthest verge of guilt, 
have terminated their course in infamy and ruin. 

'Fhe two characters, whose destructive rivalry has 
been adverted to in the preceding narrative, were in some 
respects widely different, and in others exactly similar. 
Marius was rude and uncultivated, but Sylla polished 
and refined—Marius despised literature, and gloried in 
his ignorance; Sylla w r as distinguished by his learning 
and accomplishments even from the most eloquent and 
learned of his contemporaries—Marius w as of austere and 
self-denying habits, averse from all indulgence, either iii 
himself or others; but Sylla was, through life, luxurious 
and dissipated, the associate of the profligate and gay, 
devoted to amusements and pleasure of every description. 
Yet though the birth and education, the early principles 
and habits of these candidates for fame were thus opposite, 
they were alike ambitious, revengeful, sanguinary, and 
despotic. Their administrations were equally characte¬ 
rized by injustice, and wanton barbarity; nor would it be 
easy to determine which proved the greatest scourge to 
his desolated country. O how fearful must be the pros¬ 
pect of eternity to such monsters of iniquity! What 
wonder that they should be terrors to themselves, who 
have been curses to mankind—that all the scorpions of a 
guilty conscience should pursue them to their retirements, 


STUDIES IN IIISTOKY. 


BOOK II. 


178 _ 

and urge them on to desperation—that the recollections 
of former crimes, like horrid spectres should haunt their 
midnight hours, surround the bed ol death, and pursue 
them to their dreary tombs. The horror ot mind that 
preceded the death of Marius resembled indeed, but could 
not equal, the fearful ness and trembling, the terror and 
amazement, that shall seize the hypocrite in Zion, the 
formalist in religion, and all who have despised the 
gospel, in the day of final wrath, when they shall be 
paralyzed with the fearful expectation of judgment, and 
of fiery indignation, that shall devour the adversaries of 
God! 

From the preceding facts it appears that the Sovereign 
of the Universe, in the righteous dispensations of his 
providence, frequently makes the wicked scourges to 
each other, even in their present state of existence. 
Those who had been most active in promoting the murder 
of the Gracchi and their partisans, were the first victims 
of the Marian faction; and these inhuman wretches, 
whom Marius had employed in executing his purposes 
of revenge, were themselves massacred by Sylla and his 
accomplices. How easily can the God of Vengeance let 
loose all those ferocious passions, which would deluge 
the earth with blood, and render men more destructive to 
each other than the most savage beasts of prey ! With¬ 
out employing any additional instruments .of wrath, if 
sinners were left to be their own tormentors—given up to 
the tyranny of lust, the frenzy of passion, and the malig¬ 
nity of revenge—this would suffice to transform them 
into furies, and render the world which we inhabit an 
Aceldama, a Golgotha, a “ lake of fire and brimstone!” 
It is, however, matter of thankfulness that these agents of 
desolation are checked in their wildest career by Him, 
5 6 who rules the raging of the sea, who stilleth the noise 
.of its waves, and the tumult of the people.” He causes 
even “ the wrath of man to praise Him, and the remainder 
of that wrath He will restrain.” Marius was cut off by 
death, whilst his schemes of ambition were yet incom¬ 
plete, and his work of destruction unfinished. Sylla was 
induced to stay his vengeful hand, and sheath his blood¬ 
stained sword, not from tenderness, or remorse, but by the 



ESSAY X. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 179 

irresistible, though secret influence, of that Power, which 
shuts up the sea with doors, and hath said to its boisterous 
billows, “ hitherto shalt thou come, but no farther, and 
here shall thy proud waves be staj'ed.” 


ESSAY X. 

On the circumstances which led to the First Trium¬ 
virate. 

from A. C. 77— 59. 

The death of Marius and Sylla, left a wide field 
open to the ambition of new adventurers, many of whom 
eagerly pressed forward to occupy their elevated stations. 
Recent events had shewn that it was possible to maintain 
the forms of the republic, by continuing to nominate 
Tribunes and Consuls as aforetime; whilst, in reality, an 
artful individual might exercise the most absolute and 
despotic authority over the property and lives of his 
fellow-subjects. Several Romans, whose names are more 
or less known to posterity, in proportion to the success of 
their enterprise's, manifested a disposition to repeat this 
experiment, by seizing upon the vacant helm, and 
attempting to usurp the government of the empire. The 
first of these was Lepidus, who had been elected to the 
consulship in the year of Sylla’s death ; and who, imme¬ 
diately after that event, gathered together the remains of 
the Marian faction, by whose popularity and influence, 
he hoped to establish himself in the government. But, 
as lie was marching to Rome at the head of his army, he 
was met, and totally defeated by Pompey, who had been 
commissioned by the Roman Senate to take measures for 
the safety of the republic. The next competitor who 
entered the lists, was Sertorius, who, though a compara¬ 
tively obscure character, established himself in Spain, 
and raised an army so numerous, and so devoted to his 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


180 


interests, that neither Metellus nor Pompey could subdue 
him, without having recourse to assassination. Whilst 
these operations were proceeding in Spain, a war broke 
out in Italy, which, though small in its beginnings, 
greatly alarmed the Senate, and obliged them to send 
Crassus, one of their ablest officers, to quell it. This was 
called the Servile war , which originated in the revolt of a 
few gladiators, who chose one of their party, named 
Spartacus, to command them; and who were quickly 
joined by an immense number of slaves from every part 
of Italy, and several other Roman provinces. It was 
with great difficulty that Crassus, though an experienced 
and skilful general, reduced them to subjection, after a 
succession of dreadful battles. Six thousand wretched 
slaves, who were taken prisoners by Crassus, are said to 
have been crucified by his orders between Capua and 
Rome. An ovation , or lesser triumph, was decreed to 
the generals, by whose valour and skill, this alarming 
revblt had been brought to so prosperous an issue ; in the 
honours of which Pompey shared, on account of his 
having fallen in with, and put to the sword, a numerous 
corps of these armed slaves, on his return from Spain. 
This circumstance laid the foundation of a jealousy 
between Pompey and Crassus, which threatened to in¬ 
volve the republic in a new civil war. Each of these 
generals was at the head of a numerous army, and each 
refused to obey the Senate’s mandate to disband their 
troops. At length, however, matters were compromised 
without appealing to the sword, and both these rival 
statesmen were unanimously elected to the consulship. 

In the discharge of this office, Pompey and Crassus 
severally aimed at increasing their popularitj", but by 
very different means. Crassus, whose wealth was incal¬ 
culable, lavished it upon the common people in large 
donatives and splendid feasts—but Pompey pursued a 
surer method, by repealing several of the most arbitrary 
and oppressive laws, which Sylla had introduced, and 
restoring to the people some of those rights of which he 
had deprived them. These popular measures gave him 
so great an influence over the minds of the common 
people, that the highest honours were awarded him, 



ESSAY X. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


181 


and the most important offices entrusted to his manage¬ 
ment. As a proof of the confidence reposed in him, the 
whole government of Asia, and the command of the 
armies sent thither to oppose Mithridates and Tigranes, 
the kings of Pontus and Armenia, were committed to him 
alone. The conduct of this war, (one of the most remote 
and hazardous in which the Romans had yet embarked,) 
served greatly to augment the fame of Pompey, and in an 
equal proportion to increase the envy of his political 
rival. After a severe but unavailing struggle, the un¬ 
happy Mithridates, having been betrayed by one of his 
children, and deserted by his troops, was induced to 
destroy himself, that he might avoid the disgrace of 
appearing in the triumphal procession of his conqueror. 
After his death, Pompey proceeded in a rapid career of 
victory, till he had vanquished Tigranes, and overrun 
the provinces of Armenia, Syria, Media, Parthia, and 
Arabia, which were now formed into Homan provinces. 
It was about this time that this celebrated warrior is sup¬ 
posed to have invaded Judaea, and invested Jerusalem. 
After a siege of three months, that city was taken, and 
its ancient walls were demolished ; but the temple, and 
all its sacred utensils, with the treasures of gold and silver 
it contained, were suffered to remain unappropriated. 
The curiosity of the Roman general led him personally 
to visit that sacred edifice, of which he had undoubtedly 
heard much ; and minutely to examine, not only the 
outer courts which alone were accessible to strangers, 
but also the court of the priests, and even the Holy of 
Holies , which none but the High Priest of Jehovah 
was permitted to enter. This profanation of their temple 
incensed the whole nation of the Jews against Pompey, 
wiio had in all other, respects treated them with great 
lenity ; and rendered them exceedingly disaffected to 
the Roman government. 

Having thus terminated, avhat were called by the his¬ 
torians of those times, the second and third Mitkridatic 
wars, Pompey returned to Italy, to make preparations 
for the most splendid triumph which Rome had ever wit¬ 
nessed. The procession lasted two days, and dazzled 
the eyes of the spectators with the glitter of wealth and 


182 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II, 


pageantry, which was exhibited on that occasion.— 
Tiie conqueror boasted of having destroyed or taken 
during the war, more than two millions of his fellow- 
mortals—of having captured or burnt upwards of fifteen 
hundred cities—of having annexed to the Roman empire 
twelve new provinces—and of having subjugated the 
whole of Asia by his victorious arms. This prodigious 
display of wealth and increase of territory, greatly en¬ 
deared the general, whose talents had obtained them, to 
the Roman people, who were now become as covetous, 
as they had formerly been ambitious. But the Senate, 
who considered him far too powerful and popular for 
the safety of the commonwealth, and who were offended 
b y his frequent violation of their supposed rights, began 
from that time to incline to the interests of Crassus, who 
alone had sufficient influence in the state to counteract his 
public measures. Their object was to keep alive the re¬ 
sentments, and inflame the jealousy of these two political 
rivals; convinced that so long as they formed opposite 
parties, the liberties of Rome were secure; but, if once 
they became united in their interests and exertions, the 
commonwealth must fall. 

It was not however from this quarter alone that danger 
had been apprehended. During the absence of Pompey, 
a formidable conspiracy had been detected, and its prin¬ 
cipal agents punished by Cicero, the celebrated Roman 
orator, of whose character and life a more extended 
statement will be given in a subsequent essay. The 
author of this sedition, was Cataline, a Roman of illus¬ 
trious birth, but of excessively immoral habits; who, 
when quite a youth, was charged with the most atrocious 
crimes, and whose example had corrupted many of the 
most distinguished patrician families. His intention was 
secretly to collect an army from the most populous and 
disaffected Italian cities; after which, his infamous asso¬ 
ciates in Rome, were, on a signal given, to set fire to the 
city at midnight in several places; to murder Cicero, 
who w as at that time Consul, and several other patriotic 
senators ; and to force open the gates of the city. Cata¬ 
line proposed to be in readiness immediately to occupy 
the capital with his troops, and repeat the tragedy of 


ESSAY X< 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


o 


murders and proscriptions, which Sylia had so lately 
performed. The whole of this infernal scheme was de¬ 
feated by the vigilance and undaunted patriotism of 
Cicero, who secured the principal conspirators resident 
in the city, before their project was ripe for execution; 
and sent his consular colleague Antonius with a sufficient 
force to encounter that which Cataline had raised. He 
also obtained a decree of the Senate for the immediate 
execution of the ringleaders, and thus saved his country 
from all the horrors of a second proscription. For this 
signal service, the Consul was greeted both by the senate 
and people of Rome with the appellation of u Father of 
his country;” a name which even Pompey the Great , 
might have justly envied. 

About this time another and yet more celebrated 
actor made his appearance at Rome, and performed a 
principal part in the drama of public affairs. This was 
Caius Julius C^sar, who was born in the ninety- 
eighth year before the Christian aera, descended from an 
ancient patrician family, educated by his mother Aurelia, 
and nearly related to Caius Marius. On this latter ac¬ 
count he was proscribed by Sylia, and narrowly escaped 
the vengeance of that inhuman Dictator; who on one 
occasion fixed his eye upon him, and remarked to some 
of his attendants, “ There is many a Marius in that 
youth.” After Sylla’s death, Caesar signalized himself 
by the boldness with which he espoused the cause of his 
deceased relative; setting up statues in different parts of 
the city in honour of Marius, and delivering funeral 
orations at the death of his widow and children. To 
gratify the people, he frequently exhibited shows of 
gladiators at great expence, and distributed most liberally 
of his substance to the poorer class of Roman citizens. 
In early youth, he devoted himself to those studies which 
were favourable to the cultivation of eloquence, and re¬ 
ceived lessons on rhetoric from the most distinguished 
masters of that art. His proficiency was so great, that he 
became one of the most insinuating and impressive 
orators of which Rome could boast, even in her best 
days. His literary taste did not, however, prevent him 
from commencing at the usual age bis military career, 



STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


184 


and distinguishing himself as much in the Roman camp 
as he had done in the forum. Having fulfilled the odice 
of praetor in Spain, and performed services there which 
were deemed worthy of a triumph, he returned to Rome, 
not. indeed, like Pompey, laden with spoils, but covered 
with the laurels of victory, and greeted with the accla¬ 
mations of thousands of his fellow-citizens. 

On his arrival in Italy, Caesar conceived the design 
of making the jealousies of Pompey and Crassus subser¬ 
vient to his own elevation. For this purpose he insinu¬ 
ated himself with sueh consummate address into the 
friendship and confidence of botli these leaders of the 
republic, that they were induced to co-operate in sup¬ 
porting his prett nsions to the consulship. Nor was he. 
satisfied with having succeeded in t!\js instance, but he 
projected and ultimately accomplished a more intimate 
union between himself, and these powerful rivals, whom 
lie persuaded to lay aside for a time their mutual differ¬ 
ences, and unite with himself in forming a triple league, iri 
which it was stipulated that nothing should be done in the 
commonwealth without their joint approbation; and thus 
they virtually transferred to themselves the sovereignty of 
Rome. This coalition was called the First Triumvirate , 
and was formed between Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus; 
not for patriotic purposes, but from motives of private 
ambition, and personal aggrandizement. Each member 
of the Triumvirate professed indeed to sacrifice his own 
interests for the public good, but in reality the design of 
the league was to secure to themselves the continuance of 
power and dignity, at the expence and by the subversion 
of the commonwe alth. How far this alliance answered 
the interested purposes of its projectors, will appear from 
the facts contained in the next essay. 

Plut. in vit. Pomp. Cicer. et Cses. Ciceron. Oper. Sallust. 
Hist. Veil. Paterc. Sueton. in Jul. Caes. &e. 


ESSAY X. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


185 


REFLECTIONS. 

- V • * k 

The preceding facts are deeply interesting, inasmuch 
as they develope somewhat of the interior of those charac¬ 
ters who resign themselves to the lust of power, and the 
pride of life. Unhappy mortals! amidst all the pomp 
of your triumphs, and the glitter of your wealth accumu¬ 
lated by rapine and extortion, how far are ye from the 
enjoyment of peace and satisfaction of mind ? What per¬ 
petual restlessness—what ceaseless machinations—what 
perilous intrigues—what heart-devouring jealousies, com¬ 
pose your secret history ! Who that knows the felicity 
of a tranquil mind—a mind free from the solicitudes and 
perils of worldly ambition—would envy your lot, or 
wish to embark with you on so tempestuous a sea! Yet 
would we catch somewhat of your ardour in the pursuit 
of nobler objects, and a brighter crown ; of you we 
would learn how to run with unwearied patience, and 
unconquerable zeal, 44 the race that is set before us;” 
and, by your example, who are competitors for worldly 
fame, we would be stimulated to contend earnestly for 
the 44 prize of our high calling of God in Christ Jesus.” 
It is gratifying to the benevolent mind to reflect, that in 
this nobler contest the success of one does not involve the 
failure of the rest. In the struggle maintained by rival 
statesmen or warriors, the elevation of one is purchased 
for the most part by the depression of all his competitors. 
If Sylla rise, Marius must fall: if Caesar succeed in his 
ambitious projects, it must be by hurling Pompey and 
Crassus and Cicero, together with all the train of bis less 
fortunate rivals, from their several stations of dignity and 
power. But it is far otherwise in the career of Christian 
ambition; for all who are fellow-candidates for a celes¬ 
tial crown, may hope to share in the same honours, 
and receive the same glorious reward. They have 
every inducement to become helpers of each other’s 
faith, and to assist in bearing one another’s burdens. 
Their Christian calling, far from exciting a spirit of 
rivalry, and cherishing invidious jealousies between 





186 


STUDIES IN HISTORY". 


BOOK II 


brethren, forbids, represses, and finally subdues tbern. A 
Paul and a Peter—a James and a John, could cordially 
co-operate in the labours, and share in the distinguished 
honours of the Apostleship, without wishing to establish 
their reputation, or extend their usefulness at each other’s 
expence. 

The splendid conquests of Pompcy in Asia possess 
little interest, unless when considered as preparations for 
the coming of Christ in the flesh. Viewed in this con¬ 
nection, they rise in magnitude and importance far above 
all the ordinary exploits of military heroes and con¬ 
querors. The scene was now about to open, towards 
which the faith of Patriarchs, Prophets, and holy men of 
old, had been directed for many ages: arid which, when 
developed, would fill with astonishment both men and 
angels. The time—the set time was at hand, in which 
the promised Messiah should make his appearance 
amongst men. Some steps were previously necessary iiV 
order to the fulfilment of prophecy, and the execution of 
the. divine decrees. Some instruments were to be raised 
up “ to prepare the way of the Lo it d, and to make straight 
in the desert a high-way for onr God.” Amongst these 
unconscious agents of divine providence, Pompey was 
unquestionably one, as Cyrus had been in former ages. 
For it had been predicted of old, that “ the sceptre 
should not depart from Judah, nor a law-giver from 
between his feet, till Shiloh should come.” A special 
providence had therefore continually watched over the 
Jewish nation, and amidst all their calamities, had still 
preserved amongst them, (and that too in the line of 
Judah,) the forms of an independent civil government. 
But now that the glorious personage, to whom that pro¬ 
phecy referred, was at hand ; it became necessary that 
the Jews should be a conquered and tributary people— 
that they should lose their national independence—and 
that strangers should rule over them. This prediction 
was evidently fulfilled, when Judaea, in consequence of 
the conquests of Pompey, became subject to the jurisdic¬ 
tion of praetors and governors appointed by the Roman 
Senate. On this account many pious Jews, who were 
conversant with the Holy Scriptures, and were anxiously 




ESSAY X. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 187 

<( waiting for the consolation of Israel,” formed at that 
time, an expectation that the promised Shiloh was about 
to appear. Nor is it.improbable that this heathen con¬ 
queror was permitted to profane the hallowed temple of 
Jehovah at Jerusalem, bj^ entering even into its most 
holy place, in order that the attention and veneration of 
the Jewish people might be gradually withdrawn from 
the building to Him, who was about suddenly to come 
to his temple, and who would shortly fill that sacred 
editice with the divine splendour of his miracles. 

The triple league which was formed at Rome between 
Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, shews that “ the children 
of this world are frequently wiser in their generation 
than the children of light.” They can, from selfish' 
motives and with interested views, consent to forget their 
mutual differences, to bury their animosities and jea¬ 
lousies, at leTist for a time, that they may strengthen their 
influence, and extend their authority. And shall not the 
disciples of Him, who is emphatically styled , (i the Prince 
of Peace,” much rather unite and co-operate for the pro¬ 
motion of those interests which ought to be far dearer to 
them than any personal advantage ? With how much 
greater cordiality and energy should they enter into 
a sacred league, to “ walk together in all the laws and 
ordinances of the Lord blamelessly,” and to execute 
those designs that are likely to increase the common¬ 
wealth of Israel! In proportion as the bond of union is 
more sacred, and the objects for which they unite are 
more glorious, it may justly be expected that the alliance 
should be more cordial, permanent, and beneficial. 


* 


*\ 






1SS 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


ESSAY XI. 

On the Civil War between Pompey and Cjesar. 
from A. C. 59—47. 

It was stated in the last essay, that one object pro¬ 
posed by Caesar in forming the Triumvirate, was to 
secure to himself the Consulship. Strengthened by 
this secret alliance, it was not difficult to secure that 
object, though many circumstances were unfavourable to 
bis hopes. The Senate was decidedly adverse to him, as 
a descendant of Marius, and a favourite of the people. 
The tide of popularity still ran high in favour of Pom¬ 
pey, even amongst the lower classes of citizens, who 
were dazzled by the splendour of his victories, and 
attracted by the pomp of his triumphs. Yet no sooner 
had Caesar obtained his election, than he proposed a 
succession of popular laws, wffiich so completely gained 
him the hearts of the people, that he became from that 
time their idol, and was able to set the Senate at defiance. 
About the same time, he strengthened his influence in 
the state, by marrying Calpurnia, the daughter of Cal- 
purnius Piso, the new Consul elect, and by giving his 
own daughter Julia in marriage to Pompey. In order 
that no obstacle to his ambition might remain, he con¬ 
trived to procure the exile of Cicero, and to remove 
Cato to the island of Cyprus, both of whom were un¬ 
yielding patriots, whose eloquence he feared, and whose 
vigilance he could not hope to escape. Having thus 
arranged the domestic concerns of the republic, the three 
Sovereigns of Home proceeded to divide between them 
the government of the provinces. Pompey chose Spain, 
with its dependencies; Crassus preferred the wealthy 
provinces of Asia; but Caesar undertook the more perilous 
and less productive praetorship of Gaul. 

A breach was shortly afterwards made in the Trium- 
virate by the death of Crassus, who w r gs killed in a 
battle with the Parthians, together with the flower of 


ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 189 

his army. Caesar, in the mean time, was fully occupied 
in Gaul with subduing the barbarous tribes that inhabited 
those yet uncultivated regions. The Helvetii, the Belgae, 
the Nervi i, the Suevi, and many others, were successively 
conquered by his arms; nor did even these conquests 
satisfy his boundless ambition ; for, before the expiration 
of his pnetorship, which had now continued nearly nine 
years, he passed over into Britain, and reduced part 
of that island under the Roman yoke. The skill, the 
courage, the success, which had marked the military 
Career of this distinguished general, greatly increased his 
reputation and influence at Rome; where Pompey had 
remaiued during his absence, to maintain tranquillity and 
prevent the growth of faction in the state. Hitherto 
Pompey had been so well satisfied with his own fame, 
that he was little disposed to be jealous of that of Caesar; 
but now he began to take alarm. He apprehended 
that the glory of his younger rival would soon eclipse 
that which he had formerly acquired by his Asiatic expe¬ 
ditions. He therefore endeavoured indirectly to diminish 
the influence, and lower the reputation of his absent 
colleague. The death of his wife Julia, Casar’s daughter, 
to whom he was most warmly attached, which took place 
about this time, rent asunder the only remaining tie, 
by which he was bound to that rival chief. It now 
became evident, that a struggle would ere long com¬ 
mence, between the conqueror of Asia, and of the Gauls 
—between Pompey, who was now considered as the 
pillar of the Senate, and C&sar, who had become more 
than ever the favourite of the people. The former, who 
well knew that he had most to tear from the attachment 
of Caesar’s army to their general, prevailed upon the 
Senate to recall him from his government, and require 
him to disband his troops ; but the latter, who also knew 
that an army devoted to his interests was a surer ground 
of dependence than popular favour, refused to comply 
with these injunctions. There was, however, a moderate 
party, at the head of whom was Cicero, who had been 
recalled from exile through the influence of Pompey, and 
whose sincere desire and earnest endeavour it was to 
reconcile both parties, and save the republic from the 





190 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


calamities of civil war. The exertions of this pacific 
party delayed, but could not prevent, an open rupture. 
The breach gradually widened ; the partisans of Pompey 
and of Caesar became more hostile; and every thing 
indicated the approach of a tremendous storm. 

At length the Consuls and Senate, who were supposed 
to act under the influence of Pompey, proceeded so far 
as to resolve that Caesar should on a certain day transfer 
the command of his army, to a successor nominated by 
themselves, or be accounted a public enemy. This was 
a signal for the immediate commencement of hostilities. 
Caesar concluded that it was the design of his adversaries 
first to reduce him to the condition of a private citizen, 
and then to effect his destruction. Instead therefore of 
submitting to the requisition of the Senate, he assembled 
his veteran legions, and marched them with incredible 
promptitude into Italy, all whose principal cities opened 
their gates to receive him. Pompey seems to have been 
surprised by the decision and celerity of Caesar's move¬ 
ments; and, finding it impossible to make an effectual 
stand in Italy, hastily embarked at Biundusium with all 
his troops and military stores. His adversary was unable 
to follow for want of ait adequate fleet, and therefore 
directed his course to the metropolis, with the intention of 
seizing upon the wealth of the public treasury for the 
payment of his troops. A feeble resistance was attempted 
by the official guardians of those national treasures, but 
Caesar laying his hand upon his, sword, repeated the 
demand in a tone of authority, that could not be dis¬ 
obeyed. The possession of this valuable fund enabled 
him to proceed in the war with fresh vigour. He first 
conducted his army into Spain, where he subdued two of 
Pompey’s lieutenants stationed in that country; and then 
passed over into Greece, to decide the contest between 
Pompey and himself by attacking his rival in his strong 
holds. The interval of rest, which Caesar’s absence had 
afforded to Pompey, had not been lost by that general. 
He had exerted himself to collect from all the tributary 
provinces of Asia and Greece a numerous and well- 
appointed army ; and to form alliances with those princes, 
whose wealth or power was likely to increase his re- 



ESSAY XI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


191 


sources. So successful was lie in these applications, that, 
previously to Caesar’s arrival in Greece, he had secured 
a fleet and army far superior in numbers and strength to 
any which his rival could bring against him; and so 
confident were the principal Roman Senators of his final 
success in the war, that upwards of two hundred of them 
repaired to his camp. Amongst these were Cicero and 
Cato, two of the most distinguished patriots of that day, 
who had long endeavoured to moderate the violence of 
parties, but had at length resolved to attach themselves 
to the interests of Pompey, from whose vanity they 
apprehended less danger to the republic, than from the 
boundless ambition of Caesar. 

It was felt on both sides that the utmost vigilance and 
caution would be necessary. Each of the generals was 
too well acquainted with the military science and skill of 
his antagonist, to treat him with contempt, or to admit of 
a presumptuous security. Alter the hostile armies ap¬ 
proached each other, neither of the commanders seemed 
inclined to strike the first blow. Both repeatedly drew 
up in order of battle, and again retired without coming 
to an engagement. It was, evidently the design of 
Pompey, who was well furnished with abundant supplies, 
to protract the contest, with the hope of exhausting the 
resources of his adversary. Caesar, on the other hand, 
watched for an opportunity of taking his opponent by 
surprise, and obliging him to risk a battle on unequal 
terms. After much generalship had been displayed on 
either side, and a considerable period of comparative 

I inaction had elapsed, Caesar was driven to the necessity 
of fighting under disadvantageous circumstances; and 
was not only defeated with great loss, but in imminent 
danger of losing his whole army. This defeat, which 
seemed at the time so adverse to the interests of Caesar, 
proved eventually the principal cause of his success. 
From that period both Pompey and his officers despised 
their formidable antagonist, and anticipated with the 
utmost confidence his complete overthrow. Already they 
began to divide amongst them the honours of the state, 
and made applications for the possessions of Caesar’s 
adherents. This confidence was increased by the flatteries 







BOOK II. 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 

of the augurs and aruspices, all of whom made their 
court to Pompey, by assuring him that the omens were 
all favourable, and that his success was certain. 

After having been separated by the late defeat, the 
two armies again approached each other upon the memo¬ 
rable plains of Pharsalia. A disposition was equally felt 
by both parties to bring on a general engagement, 
which should decide, whether Pompey or Caesar, should 
have the empire of the world. At length the day of battle 
arrived—all that combined valour and skill could effect, 
was exerted on that eventful day—the balance hung 
suspended for a short time, and then turned so decidedly 
in favour of Caesar, that his adversary’s army was com¬ 
pletely routed, and his camp taken with all its abundant 
stores. Towards the close of the engagement, Pompey 
fled precipitately, and in disguise, to the sea coast, where 
he found a merchant’s vessel ready to sail, which he 
immediately entered with about twenty of his followers. 
Caesar, in the mean time, exerted all his influence to 
prevent an unnecessary effusion of blood. He straitly 
charged his ardent legions to spare their fellow-citizens, 
and rather to permit their escape, than put them to the 
sword. He shewed the utmost lenity to the prisoners, 
giving them, in most instances, their liberty, and even 
restoring to them their property. This conduct, which 
was no less politic than humane, induced the greater 
part of the senators who had joined Pompey’s stand¬ 
ard, to make their peace with the conqueror. Cicero, 
C. Cassius, M. Brutus, and many others of less distinc¬ 
tion, now submitted to Casar, who received them with - 
the utmost kindness and affection. 

The vanquished general pursued his flight towards 
Egypt, where he hoped to find an asylum in the court 
of Ptolemy, who had professed the warmest friendship 
towards him, and promised him ample supplies, both of 
provisions and money, whenever they should be neces¬ 
sary. On his way thither, he called at Mitylene, to take 
on board his wife Cornelia, who had been indulging the 
fondest dreams of hope and ambition during his absence, 
all'of which had now vanished. Melancholy was the 
Interview that took place on this occasion, in which both 


ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 193 

parties inveighed in the bitterest terms against the in¬ 
justice of Providence, and complained of the hardness of 
their lot. In these murmurs and lamentations, the re¬ 
maining days of their voyage were consumed; nor did 
they cease from these mutual and unavailing regrets, till 
they were again torn from each other’s arms, to meet no 
more. The perfidious Ptolemy, influenced by his time¬ 
serving courtiers, resolved on purchasing the favour of 
Caesar, by the murder of his rival. In pursuance of 
this design, he sent some of his principal officers to meet 
him before he landed, at whose invitation, Pompey left 
his own vessel and his few faithful attendants, to place 
himself under their protection ; by whom he was basely 
assassinated, as soon as he had reached the shore. His 
head was immediately severed from his body, by order 
of the king, that it might be presented to Caesar; who is 
said, when he saw it, to have bathed it with his tears, 
and bitterly reproached the perfidious monsters, who 
perpetrated the crime. 

The wife and companions of Pompey were sufficiently 
near to witness the tragic scene, but too distant to afford 
assistance, and too weak to avenge his death. They 
couid only express the anguish of their minds, by 
shrieks, and groans, and floods of tears; till a sense of 
personal danger constrained them to flee from the 
treacherous coast with all possible speed. Two obscure 
individuals who had formerly served in Pompey’s army 
performed the funeral rites which were customary in that 
age, by erecting a pile, and burning his body, which 
had been left exposed upon the sea shore. One of the 
historians of that age has recorded an inscription, which 
was afterwards written upon his tomb, to the following 
efFect. u How lowly a grave contains the ashes of the 
hero, to whose honour temples were once erected!” 

Carsar. de Bell. Civil. Plut. de Pomp. Sueton. de Jul. Cass. 
Ciceron. Epist. V ell. Paterc. &c. 


K 


194 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK IT. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Such was the miserable end of Pompey the Great! 
Thus terminated all the series of his victories and tri¬ 
umphs, his political intrigues, and his military exploits! 
But a short time had elapsed, since all Italy poured 
forth vows and prayers for his safety, when his life was 
threatened by an alarming sickness—since monarchs 
bowed to his authority, and held their diadems by his 
permission—and since myriads flocked to his standard, 
and professed a willingness to devote their lives to his 
service. But now, how altered his condition! A wretched 
solitary outcast—destitute of consolation, and cut off 
from all hope—he is deserted, betrayed, murdered, and 
denied even the common rites of burial; or, as it has 
been forcibly expressed by an ancient historian, a he 
that conquered the world, can scarcely find a narrow 
grave.” O ! what a lesson does this read to the vain, 
the proud, the ambitious of mankind! What valuable 
instruction might his celebrated rival have derived from 
this catastrophe, had he been truly wise to profit by it! 
It would indeed seem impossible that any should con¬ 
template such an affecting instance of the vanity of 
human greatness, without some moral improvement. “ Is 
such” the youthful inquirer may well exclaim, “ is such 
the honour which men receive one of another ? why then 
should it be so eagerly coveted ? Are these the prizes 
for which the votaries of ambition contend so earnestly ? 
away then ye phantoms, utterly unworthy of the pursuit 
of immortal beings! Let the potsherds of the earth 
strive together for these shadowy forms of bliss! 

No longer will I ask your love, 

Nor seek your friendship more ; 

The happiness that I approve 
Lies not within your power.” 

The last essay exhibited Pompey and Caesar, asso¬ 
ciated with a third political combatant, in a triple league 
of amity and friendship. They joined hand in handV to 



ESSAY XI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


195 


carry into effect their ambitious projects. They united 
their exertions to enslave their country, and elevate 
themselves upon the ruins of the commonwealth. The 
present essay has exhibited the dissolution of that 
league, by the death of two of its members. We have 
seen that professed friendship turned into enmity—the 
swords which were to have been drawn for each other’s 
protection, dyed in each other’s blood—and the armies, 
which were designed to encounter the common foe, drawn 
up in battle array, to exterminate one another. Such has 
ever been the friendship of the wicked. Nor can we 
wonder that alliances, founded in pride and selfishness, 
should thus terminate in hatred and cruelty, injustice 
and oppression. The workers of iniquity may find it 
convenient for a short time to strengthen each other’s 
hands, but no sooner are their selfish views accomplished, 
than the bond is dissolved which united them together,and 
they become objects of suspicion and hatred to each other. 
Far different will be the friendship, which is founded in 
piety, and cemented by holiness. Private interest will 
then be cheerfully sacrificed to mutual advantage— 
selfishness will give place to pure and exalted benevo¬ 
lence—all who are joined in tiiis sacred league will love 
one another with pure hearts fervently, and their friend¬ 
ship will continue to bloom for ever. 

How many, like the unfortunate general, whose fall 
has been related, have owed their disgrace and ruin to 
the confidence which prosperity inspires, or rather, to 
the false security which it engenders! Their substance 
increases, their worldly comforts abound ; and therefore, 
they persuade themselves that all is well. But assuredly 
there is no period in which we have greater need to 
w f atch and pray, than that in which our external cir¬ 
cumstances are most prosperous, and our hearts most 
secure. Those who imagine that a temptation, once 
successfully resisted, is subdued, fall into a mistake, 
which may prove as fatal as that of Pompey, when he 
concluded, that one defeat of CaBsar had decided the 
controversy, and ensured his final success. If there be 
an adversary whom we are inclined to despise, we may 
rest assured, that is the quarter from which most danger 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK lie 


196 


is to be apprehended. So long as Pompey and his 
officers appreciated the talents and skill of their formidable 
antagonist, they were vigilant, and their vigilance ren¬ 
dered them invincible : but no sooner did they conceive 
a contempt for Caesar and his legions, than they became 
their easy prey. Let us therefore, as we would finally 
overcome temptation, not be high-minded, but fear; 
for <c pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit 
before a fall.” 

How forlorn is the condition of those, who in the day 
of their adversity have no confidence towards God, no 
reliance upon his providence and grace! In vain do 
they attempt to lean upon an arm of flesh—in vain do 
they seek consolation from the embraces of their most 
endeared relatives—in vain do they apply for succour to 
their most powerful and prosperous friends. Miserable 
comforters are they all in the hour of trial, and delusive 
the confidence which is reposed in them. Associates in 
punishment may indeed augment each other’s sufferings 
by inveighing against the dispensations of the Almighty 
as cruel and unjust, and by their incessant murmurs and 
lamentations; but they know not how to soothe, to con¬ 
sole, to support their companions in tribulation. None 
but those who have tasted of the springs of divine com¬ 
fort, are “ able to comfort those who are in any trouble, 
by the comfort, wherewith they themselves are comforted 
of God.” 

But “ wherefore doth a living man complain—a man 
for the punishment of his sins ?” Who art thou, O man, 
that repliest against God—that chargest the righteous 
judge of all the earth with injustice and severity—that 
criest in the tone of fretful ness and impatience, “ my 
punishment is heavier than I can bear ?” Hast thou not 
procured this unto thyself, in that thou hast forsaken the 
Lord thy God ? “Thine own wickedness shall correct thee, 
and thy backslidings shall reprove thee : know therefore, 
and see that it is an evil thing and bitter, that thou hast 
forsaken the Lord thy God, and that my fear is not in 
thee, saith the Lord God of Hosts.” 


ESSAY XII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


197 


ESSAY XII. 

On the Character and Death of Cato, 
born A. C. 94. died A. C. 45. 

Ma rcus Porcius Cato, who has been usually dis~ 
tinguished from other Roman senators of the same name, 
by being called Cato of Utica,* was descended from the 
Censor, mentioned in a former essay, as having been the 
principal cause of the destruction of Carthage.* Porcius 
seems to have inherited the disposition, and studied 
attentively the character of his celebrated ancestor. Like 
him, he possessed an inflexibility of mind, which was 
clearly indicated by the austere gravity of his deportment, 
and the stern composure of his countenance. Even in 
his childhood, lie seemed incapable of fear; no threats 
could intimidate, no persuasives withdraw him from his 
purpose. He early accustomed himself to endure fatigue, 
to suffer hardships, and to encounter dangers; that he 
might be better able to sustain in future life the privations 
and sufferings to which he might be exposed. These 
youfhful habits are partly to be attributed to his admira* 
tion of the supposed virtues of the elder Cato, and partly 
to the instructions of his philosophical preceptor, Anti- 
pater of Tyre, who was of the sect of the Stoics. By 
that philosopher, he was early initiated into all the 
mysteries of stoicism, and from him all the tenets were 
imbibed peculiar to that austere school. After a sulli- 
cient basis had been laid in philosophical science, he 
applied himself to the study of eloquence, as the most 
effectual means of securing his future advancement. F rorn 
the schools of philosophy and rhetoric, he proceeded to 
the Roman array, where he first served as a volunteer 
under Gellius in the Servile War, and afterwards as 
legionary tribune under Rubrius in Macedon. Here he 
was chiefly remarkable for the affected plainness of his 


* Rom. Hist. Book II. Essay 7. 





m 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


dress, which formed a striking contrast to the dignity of 
his manners; and for the blended severity and kindness 
of his conduct to the soldiers under his command. Not¬ 
withstanding his strict attention to military discipline, he 
acquired such an ascendency over the affections of his 
men, that when he retired from public service, their 
adieus were mingled with their tears. 

Having left the army for a time, he travelled through 
Greece, and a considerable part of Asia, that he might 
study the varieties of national character, and observe the 
customs that prevailed in those countries. From this 
tour, he returned more disgusted than ever with the 
pomp of courts, the adulation of courtiers, and the gilded 
chains of despotism. He perceived in the luxurious 
cities of the East, and especially in Antioch, the debasing 
influence of opulence and dissipation, preparing their 
inhabitants for slavery and oppression. On his arrival 
at Rome, he was chosen Quaestor, an office which 
afforded him many opportunities for attempting the re¬ 
form of public abuses. In the discharge of this and 
every succeeding office, he particularly opposed himself 
to every species of bribery ; and prosecuted, with unre¬ 
lenting severity, all who were detected in that crime. 
During the consulship of Cicero, he rendered an essential 
service to his country, by contributing towards the 
discovery of Cataline’s conspiracy, and the punishment 
of the most notorious delinquents. Equally suspicious 
of the intrigues of Pompey and Caesar, he steadfastly 
opposed himself to their elevation, and attempted to 
restrain both the Senate and people in their applause of 
these distinguished warriors. In the aristocratical splen¬ 
dour of the former, no less than in the soaring ambition 
of the latter, he discerned an influence, which threatened 
to subvert the commonwealth. It was therefore his first 
object to restore the Senate to its ancient dignity and 
power; in order that an effectual balance might be pro¬ 
duced between popular anarchy and the tyranny of 
ambition. In the commencement of the civil war, lie 
maintained a strict neutrality, and joined his efforts to 
those of Cicero, who strenuously aimed at conciliating 
the rival chiefs. But when it became necessary to decide 


ESSAY xir. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME, 


199 


between the two parties, though courted, flattered, and 
even caressed by Caesar, he resolved to attach himself to 
Pompey ; nor did he forsake the standard of that unfor¬ 
tunate general, w hen, after the battle of Pharsalia, most 
of the Senators who were found in his camp, submitted 
to the conqueror. He collected the wreck of Pompey’s 
army, conducted them to the island of Corcyra, and 
placed them under the command of Pompey the younger, 
whom he earnestly exhorted to maintain the contest, 
whatever might he its issue. Encouraged by the pre¬ 
sence and counsels of so distinguished a senator, the son 
of Pompey entered the lists, and eagerly rushed to the 
combat, though with unequal forces, yet with an un¬ 
daunted mind. 

The seat of war was now removed from Asia to 
Africa, where, after the death of Pompey, those who were 
still determined to carry on the war, concentrated their 
forces, and assembled in council. The place of con¬ 
ference was Utica, and the principal members of the 
council were Cn. Pompey, Cato, Labienus, and Scipio; 
to tiiese was added Juba, the king of Numidia, who had 
recently joined the league, and brought with him a nu¬ 
merous army. Caesar, with that promptitude and deci¬ 
sion which characterized all his military enterprises, 
quickly followed them ; and, after having sustained some 
partial defeats, succeeded in putting Scipio and Juba to 
flight, occupying their strong holds, and terminating the 
war. The circumstances which attended the conclusion 
of this war, and especially those which relate to the 
death of Cato, are of so remarkable a nature, that a more 
detailed statement of these occurrences will be allowed, 
and may not be unprofitable. 

After the total overthrow of the combined armies of 
Scipio and Juba in the battle of Thapsus, and the capture 
of that city, there remained nothing to employ the 
legions of Caesar, but the reduction of Utica, a strong 
fortress, defended by a numerous garrison, with Cato at 
their head. It was the design of this invincible patriot 
to defend this post to the last, and rather to bury him¬ 
self beneath its ruins than submit to the conqueror; but 
when Caesar approached at the head of his veteran 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


§00 


legions, all but the patriotic chief were horror-stricken, 
and only thought of obtaining the most favourable terms 
of surrender. Perceiving that no dependence could be 
placed either on the inhabitants of Utica, or on the troops 
collected to defend it, Cato gave private instructions to 
his friends, and especially to the senators who had 
formed his council, to effect their escape with all possible 
expedition and secrecy. For himself he avowed his de¬ 
termination to await the issue, assuring them that he 
would never so far degrade himself as to become Ccesar’s 
slave. None were permitted to remain with him but his 
son, and two Peripatetic philosophers, with whom he 
used frequently to converse. When all, in whose safety 
he felt interested, had escaped, he seemed perfectly at 
ease; and, dismissing all attention to public affairs, em¬ 
ployed his whole time in reading books of philosophy, or 
in disputing with his attendants on various philosophical 
questions. It is particularly stated by his biographer, 
that he read several times over, a tract written by Plato 
on u the immortality of the soul.’' The tenor of his 
conversation, and the studied composure of his counte¬ 
nance, convinced all who surrounded him that a resolu¬ 
tion had been formed to destroy himself. With the 
hope of frustrating his design, they removed his sword 
from his pillow, whilst he slept; and, when on awaking 
from his slumbers, he commanded it to be instantly re¬ 
placed, his son rushed into the apartment, and with the 
most earnest entreaties, endeavoured to dissuade him from 
his purpose. He reminded him of the lenity of Caesar, 
of the distinction with which that general had formerly 
treated him, of the hopes which his country yet placed on 
him, as its last refuge, and concluded with beseeching 
him to spare himself for the good of others, if not for his 
own sake. But neither arguments nor supplications, 
neither words nor tears could move his inflexible mind. 
He replied to every argument which had been urged at 
considerable length; he reasoned copiously on the prin¬ 
ciples and maxims of stoicism, which would justify the 
act he meditated; and assured his weeping friends, that 
their utmost vigilance would not prevent him from ex¬ 
ecuting his design, whenever it became necessary. With 


ESSAY XII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


201 


a tone of authority, which none dared to resist, he then 
demanded his sword, and replacing it behind his pillow, 
affected with the utmost composure to resign himself to 
sleep. About midnight he dispatched a confidential 
messenger to the port to ascertain whether all the Roman 
senators had embarked with the whole of their effects; 
and on receiving information that they had sailed, he 
threw himself again on his couch, and commanded all 
his attendants to retire. A few minutes after, a groan 
was heard, proceeding from his inner chamber; where, he 
was found by his family stretched on the ground, and 
weltering in his blood. He had inflicted on himself a 
severe, but not a mortal wound. Cleanthus, his physi¬ 
cian, was proceeding to replace his bowels which had 
fallen out, and close the wound, when the wretched 
suicide, consistent to the last, made a dying effort to 
thrust him from him, and having plucked out his intes¬ 
tines with his own hands, instantly expired. 

The character of this celebrated Roman has been dif¬ 
ferently estimated both by heathen and Christian his¬ 
torians. Some have represented him as adorned with 
every virtue, and deserving of universal approbation; 
whilst others have described him as a hateful and even 
contemptible character. He has been accused of the 
private indulgence of those vices, which he was accus¬ 
tomed to censure in others with the utmost severity. In 
an advanced period of his life, he is said to have formed 
a habit of intemperance, and frequently to have violated 
the laws of chastity. In his family he was arbitrary, 
morose, and inexorable; his resentments were peculiarly 
strong ; and his conduct was frequently cruel and unjust. 
JSven in public life, his boasted patriotism seems to have 
been deservedly suspected; nor is it improbable, that he 
was frequently prompted more by a contentious spirit 
and personal disgusts, than by a sincere love to his couni- 
try. H e avowed, it is true, on all occasions a determined 
hostility to despotism by whomsoever it might be 
attempted, and to every species of public corruption in 
whatever quarter it might arise; but he has been charged 
with acting much more under the influence of a revenge 
ful disposition, than from purely patriotic motives. It is 


202 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


at least certain, that his enmity to Caesar originated in 
a private injury, received at an early period of his life 
from that general, which was never forgotten, and ad¬ 
mitted of no expiation. 

Scarcely had Cato closed his eyes in death, when 
Caesar arrived at Utica, and entered the city without 
opposition. The son of Porcius Cato, with several 
other Romans of distinction, threw themselves upon the 
clemency of the conqueror, and were received with great 
kindness. When the circumstances of Cato’s death were 
related to Caesar, he is said to have exclaimed, “ O 
Cato; how I envy thee thy glorious death, by which 
thou hast robbed me of the glory of sparing thy life!” 
This event, which took place two years after the death of 
Pompey, terminated the war in Africa, and afforded the 
victor an opportunity of enjoying a temporary repose, 
and entering the Roman capital in triumph. 

Pint, in vit. Caton. Sueton. in Jul. Caes. Yaler. Maxim. 
Dio. Appian. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The Roman Senator, an outline of whose history has 
been attempted in the preceding pages, has occupied so 
much attention, and obtained such unqualified approba¬ 
tion, from the age in which he flourished down to the 
present time, that it becomes an obvious duty to investi¬ 
gate his claims, by submitting them to the test of 
Christian principles. For the question is not at present 
whether his contemporaries were justified in their ap¬ 
plauses, or whether his heathen descendants formed a 
correct estimate; but whether Christians, upon whom the 
true light has shined, and who are furnished with the un¬ 
erring standard of Revelation, ought to eulogize this 
self-murderer, and invest his character with the fascinat¬ 
ing decorations of poetry and eloquence. Is it consonant 
to truth and justice, that such a guilty, and, on many ac¬ 
counts, hateful character, should be exhibited to the 


ESSAY XII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


203 


young as an object deserving of their admiration on account 
of his exemplary virtues, and heroic death ? Is it not 
enough that those who were associated with him in the 
schools of the stoics, should celebrate in glowing terms 
the purity of his life and the triumphs of his death; but 
must those also who profess to have studied in the school 
of Christianity describe him as “ a great and worthy 
man—a friend to truth, virtue, and liberty; steadfastly 
adhering to what was right, without regard to time or 
circumstances; always acting with the best intentions, 
and aiming at the noblest objects and ends ?” If indeed! 
a life spent in the habitual indulgence of proud and male¬ 
volent feelings; or a death characterized by impatience, 
cowardice, and impotent rebellion against the Sovereign 
of the Universe, can be denominated virtuous and praise¬ 
worthy—then may the life and death of Cato of Utica be 
considered such. For the most cursory observer of the 
public and private life of this boasted patriot and hero, 
will easily discover that these were the predominant pas¬ 
sions in his breast. 

But, if all the transactions of his life were to be con¬ 
sidered virtuous, in the heathen acceptation of that term 
—if he were throughout a steady and consistent patriot, 
w ho aimed alone at the vindication of the rights and pro¬ 
tection of the liberties of his fellow-citizens—if there 
were no reason to suppose that his hostility to Caesar, 
arose from a settled purpose of revenge, from which he 
never swerved, till his mortal career was finished—yet 
his iast action betrayed a heart in which every malignant 
feeling towards man, and every impious sentiment 
towards God, reigned uncontrouled. How inexcusable 
was that pride which could not endure the thought of 
ow ing life to the clemency of an enemy ! IIow criminal 
that impatience of mind, which refused to wait the issue 
of calamity, but urged its possessor rashly to plunge un¬ 
summoned into an eternal world ! How despicable is the 
cowardice of the self-murderer, who shrinks from the 
assault of adversity, and hides himself in the covert of the 
grave! But, above all, how dreadful the impiety of the 
presumptuous mortal, who rushes upon the thick bosses 
of the Almighty’s buckler, and defies Omnipotence 


204 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


itself! Infatuated mortals ! are the common ills of life, 
which 4 flesh is heir to,’ so appalling, that you dare not 
encounter them; and is it nothing to meet the God of 
Vengeance, arrayed in terrible majesty ? is it nothing to 
stand before his dread tribunal in fearful expectation of 
your righteous and eternal doom ? Have ye nothing to 
fear after the fatal leap is taken, and when the Judge 
shall descend in flaming fire, to execute vengeance on his 
enemies ? To the unhappy character, whose melancholy 
end has been related, these awful realities were little 
known, since he seems to have possessed no better guide 
than 44 Plato, on the immortality of the soulhis crimi¬ 
nality was therefore far less than that of the bold trans¬ 
gressor, who plunges into the unfathomable gulph, 
though admonished that death will be succeeded by the 
judgment of the Great Day! 

But. how delightful a contrast to the last moments of 
this haughty Stoic, does the peaceful departure of the 
sincere Christian exhibit! He calmly expects, in an 
humble dependence upon the mercy of God and the 
merits of the Redeemer, the hour of his dismissal. If 
previously to the arrival of that eventful hour, he meets 
with calamities and distresses, no murmur escapes his 
lips, but he meekly resigns himself to the dispensations 
of Divine Providence, saying, “The cup which my 
Father has given me to drink, shall I not drink it ?” Far 
from exhibiting an impatient or rebellious spirit, the 
language of his heart accords with that of an ancient 
saint in old time, who was as remarkable for his patience 
as for the extremity of his sufferings, 44 All the days of 
my appointed time will I wait, till my change come.” 
Instead of fleeing in the 44 dark and cloudy day” to 
human and consequently fallible guides, he clasps that 
sacred volume, 44 which has brought life and immorta¬ 
lity to light,” and exclaims with a holy triumph, 

“ This is the pillar of my hope 

That bears my fainting spirit up.” 

Cheered and conducted by this celestial light, he walks 
with a firm step, and an undaunted mind, through the 


ESSAY XIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 205 

t 

valley of the shadow of death ; fearless of evil, he boldly 
presses forward to grasp the prize of his high calling, the 
promised crown of life. His hope, full of immortality, 
now proves the anchor of his soul, sure and steadfast; his 
faith in the Redeemer triumphs most completely, now 
that his heart and flesh fail; and, even amidst the pangs 
of dissolution, his countenance beams with “joy un¬ 
speakable and full of glory.” Let then Philosophy 
bring forward her boasted heroes and martyrs—let her 
point to a Cato, a Brutus, or a Lucretia; we envy not 
their glory—“ the least in the kingdom of heaven are far 
greater than they. 1 ’ 


ESSAY XIII. 

On the Administration and Death of Julius Caesar. 

from A. C. 45—4 3 . 


The return of Caesar to Italy, after the total defeat of 
his enemies, was celebrated at Rome by a public thanks¬ 
giving which continued forty days. Unprecedented 
honours were decreed him by the Senate and the people, 
who now seemed to vie with-each other in their adulation 
of the conqueror. He was appointed Dictator for ten 
years, and the absolute authority connected with that 
office, was rendered yet more formidable, by being asso¬ 
ciated with that of Censor, or as it was then called, In¬ 
spector of public morals , which gave him the supreme 
disposal of all the dignities in the commonwealth. 
Statues were set up in different parts of the city in com¬ 
memoration of his victories. One of these erected in the 
temple of Jupiter, represented the Dictator as standing 
upon a globe, to signify that the whole world had been 
conquered by him, and bare this flattering inscription, 
“ To Julius Caesar, the Demi-God.” The public atten¬ 
tion was now occupied for a considerable time with pro¬ 
cessions and amusements, occasioned by the four sue- 




206 


STUDIES IN IITSTORY. 


BOOK II. 


cessive triumphs, which had been decreed to Caesar* 
One of these was on account of his victories in Gaul 
and Britain—the second in honour of his successes in 
Egypt—the third for the defeat of Pharnaces—and the 
fourth for his reconquest of Numidia. During the cele¬ 
bration of these triumphs, large donatives were given to 
the populace and legionary soldiers, besides sixty thou¬ 
sand talents of gold which were lodged in the public 
treasury. By these acts of munificence, and still more 
by the insinuating and condescending language, in which 
he addressed his fellow-citizens oa all public occasions, 
lie gained so entire an ascendancy over them, that his 
power became absolute; every office was filled up by 
liis sole authority ; and all the decrees of the Senate were 
mere echoes of his sovereign pleasure. 

His progress towards royalty, which was unques¬ 
tionably the object of his ambition, was impeded for a 
time by a revival of the civil war in Spain. Pompey’s 
sons, Cnaeus and Sextus, in conjunction with several 
other distinguished Romans, had succeeded in raising a 
numerous army in that province, and had already de¬ 
feated some of Cmsar’s lieutenants. This unexpected in¬ 
surrection of a party, which the Dictator believed to 
have been completely crushed, began to assume so for¬ 
midable an appearance, that he conceived his presence to 
be necessary ; and on account of the revolt of the Roman 
legions stationed there, large reinforcements from Italy 
were requisite. Pompey had been well known and much 
beloved in Spain, many of the veteran troops quartered 
in that province had served under him in their youth, 
and were still warmly attached to his memory. No 
sooner therefore did the sons of Pompey erect their 
standard in Spain, than many Roman and provincial 
corps rallied round it, and formed a phalanx of war¬ 
riors, which Caesar’s generals in vain attempted to oppose. 
But when the Dictator himself arrived at the head of 
those legions, which had so lately shared in his triumphs 
and honours, the partisans of Pompey were checked in 
their hitherto successful career; the fortresses they had 
taken were quickly wrested from them ; and, ultimately, 
their whole army was annihilated in a general battle 


ESSAY XIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


207 


which took place at Munda. For this victory, Caesar 
was chiefly indebted to his personal valour; for when, in 
an early part of the engagement, his ranks were broken, 
and some of his troops put to flight, he alighted from 
his horse, furnished himself with the armour of a le¬ 
gionary soldier, and fought as a private in the ranks, 
with such incredible bravery, that his routed legions 
were induced by his example to return to the charge 
with fresh vigour, and complete success. All the prin¬ 
cipal partisans of Pompey either fell in this battle, or 
were killed in subsequent skirmishes, amongst whom was 
Cn. Pompey himself. 

The termination of this war removed every obstacle 
to the ambition of Caesar, and gave him the undisputed 
sovereignty of Rome. He was now less cautious in his 
proceedings, and more openly assumed the state, as well 
as exercised the authority of a monarch. He received 
the addresses and congratulations of the Senate, seated in 
his chair of state, and surrounded by a numerous guard 
of soldiers and officers. Whilst he affected to decline 
the titles, he now required the homage, and exercised the 
functions of royalty. Relinquishing by degrees even the 
forms of popular election, he distributed amongst his de¬ 
pendants, the offices of Quaestor, Praetor, yEdile, Tribune, 
and even the Consulship itself; augmenting the number 
of those who held them, and lengthening or abridging 
the duration of their authority at liis pleasure. 

But such was the influence he had acquired, and so 
altered was the national character of the Romans, that 
these arbitrary proceedings scarcely excited any alarm. 
On the contrary, the Senate, whose authority he had 
subverted, continued to lavish upon him all the honours 
and distinctions that flattery could devise ; and the com¬ 
mon people were too much delighted with his shows of 
gladiators, civic feasts, and public gratuities, to entertain 
a jealousy of the person who contributed so largely to 
their pleasures. These were not, however, the principal 
causes of his increasing popularity. The clemency 
shewn to his political opponents ; the respect paid to the 
memory of his vanquished rival; the public works un¬ 
dertaken by him; the patronage afforded to the arts and 



STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


208 


to literary men; and above all, the foreign enterprises 
lie meditated—all concurred to strengthen his adminis¬ 
tration, and render him more than ever the idol of the 
people. The avarice and ambition of the Romans were 
gratified by the prospects of national aggrandizement, 
and tiie visions of extended empire, he set before them; 
for he openly avowed his intention of avenging the death 
of Crassus on the Parthians, after which he proposed to 
extend his conquests to the Caspian sea, and return through 
Sythia, Germany, and Gaul, to the Roman capital. JS'or 
was he unmindful of domestic improvements; for he 
commenced the erection of two most superb edifices, 
which were finished by Augustus, a temple of Venus of 
exquisite construction, and a spacious theatre for the 
celebration of public games, lie also proposed to drain 
the Pontine marshes; to render the Tiber navigable for 
large vessels; to rebuild Corinth and Carthage; to open 
a communication between the Adriatic and AEgean seas, 
by cutting a navigable canal through the isthmus of 
Corinth ; and to execute an almost endless variety of 
other magnificent and useful works. Amongst the multi¬ 
tude of his projects, he was not regardless of the interests 
of literature; for he not only employed the most learned 
men of bis age in collecting a public library of great 
extent, but he himself contributed much to the advance¬ 
ment of science, by his personal labours and studies. It 
had been happy for himself and for his country, if he 
had been satisfied with pursuing these schemes of do¬ 
mestic improvement, or of literary ambition. But all he 
had attained seemed of no value, so long as there was 
one point of elevation to which he had not risen. He 
well knew the rooted prejudices of the Roman people 
against the very name of a king; prejudices which had 
been transmitted from age to age with undiminished and 
even augmented violence; and this very circumstance 
seems to have fired his ambition. He could not rest, 
till, in defiance of these prejudices, and in addition to all 
the essence of royalty which was already possessed, he 
was saluted by the people with the appellation of King. 
Several attempts were made, by his orders, as is generally 
supposed, but unquestionably by the agency of his de- 


ESSAY XIII. THE HISTORY Of ROME. 209 

pendants, to obtain from the people, a recognition of this 
coveted title. On one occasion, a royal diadem was 
placed upon the head of one of his statues; a few indi¬ 
viduals shouted, “ King Caesar;”.but their voices were 
instantly drowned amidst the general expressions of dis¬ 
approbation, uttered by the assembly. On another yet 
more public occasion, Antony presented him three times 
with a regal crown, which he as frequently, though 
faintly, rejected ; and was greeted with the warmest 
acclamations of the people for that refusal. The ministers 
of religion were next employed to act their part, by in¬ 
venting prophecies, oracles, and omens, all of which 
concurred to recommend the election of a king. But so 
inveterate was the enmity of the whole population of 
Rome to this measure, that neither political intrigues, 
nor all the arts of superstition, could procure its 
adoption. 

In the mean time there were some Romans, who held 
important offices in the state, and had long enjoyed the 
friendship of the Dictator, that became impatient under 
Ins yoke, and formed a secret conspiracy against his life. 
The leaders of this conspiracy were M. Junius Brutus, 
and Cains Cassius, with whom were associated Trebonius, 
D. Brutus, Casca, Cimber, and nearly sixty others of 
patrician rank. Cassius was remarkable from his child¬ 
hood for the vehemence of his temper, and the undaunted 
firmness of his conduct. He had distinguished himself 
in the Parthian expedition, the command of which de¬ 
volved on him after the death of Crassus ; and, subse¬ 
quently, in the civil war, by his steadfast adherence to 
the interests of Pompey so long as that general lived. 
But, after the disastrous battle of Pharsalia, Cassius, in 
common with many other distinguished senators, sub¬ 
mitted to the conqueror, and was received with great 
kindness. At the moment in which the conspiracy was 
formed against the life of Cssar, Cassius stood so high in 
the confidence of the Dictator, that the praetorship of 
Rome was committed to him, in connection with M. 
Brutus, for whom Caesar had long entertained the warmest 
affection. It was with some reluctance that Brutus en¬ 
tered into the plot; not that he was less desirous than 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


210 


others of re-establishing the commonwealth, and restoring 
liberty to Rome; but on account of the sentiments of 
private friendship, and the tics of gratitude, by which he 
was bound to the usurper, lie was the nephew of Cato, 
and, like him, had embraced the principles of stoicism. 
The antiquity of his family, (for he is said to have been 
a descendant of the celebrated Junius Brutus,) the firm¬ 
ness of his character, and his avowed hatred to tyranny, 
concurred to raise him in public estimation, and excite in 
the breasts of many an expectation, that he would imi¬ 
tate the conduct of his illustrious ancestor. The statues 
of that ancient patriot were frequently decorated with 
anonymous inscriptions, intended to rouse his supposed 
descendant from inactivity. Cassius at length succeeded 
in drawing him into the confederacy, and from that time 
the number of the conspirators daily increased. Their reso¬ 
lution was fixed, and nothing now prevented its execution,, 
but the want of a favourable opportunity. Caesar was so 
constantly surrounded by his guards, that it was not easy 
to obtain access to Ins person, or make an attempt upon 
his life, without exposing themselves to certain death.— 
It was, however, finally resolved that the place of assault 
should be the senate-house; and the dav, that on which 
the Senate were summoned to deliberate on the Parthian 
expedition, and when it was confidently expected that 
Caesar would be invested with regal honours. The in¬ 
terval of suspense which preceded the fatal day, was full 
of terror and alarm. The secret had been confided to so 
many, and the vigilance of Caesar’s friends was so unre¬ 
mitting, that the conspirators were in continual fear of 
detection. Brutus, in whose breast the struggle was 
greatest on account of his personal friendship to the 
Dictator, appeared agitated and restless in his family, 
though in society he maintained his usual composure. 
He could not conceal the solicitude of his mind from his 
beloved Portia, the daughter of Cato, who, with great 
difficulty, extorted from him the important secret~not 
to betray, but by her more than masculine courage 
to stimulate and strengthen the resolution of the con¬ 
spirators. 

The Ides of March, so long and anxiously expected. 


ESSAY XIII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 211 

at length arrived. The Senators assembled on the ap¬ 
pointed day, and amongst the rest, the confederate patri¬ 
cians, each concealing a dagger beneath his robe, took 
their seats in Pompey’s theatre, as near as possible to the 
Dictator’s chair. They considered it a favourable omen, 
that, on that day, it was placed in front of Pompey’s 
statue, which seemed, to their heated imaginations, to 
look down with approbation on their proceedings. A 
variety of unimportant circumstances, which have been 
minutely related by ancient historians, conspired to 
threaten the discovery, or delay the execution of the 
plot. A rumour having been spread, that Caesar had 
changed his purpose of meeting the Senate on that day, 
Decimus Brutus was sent to the Dictator’s house, who 
persuaded him to adhere to his original design. Trebo- 
nius undertook to engage the attention of Antony, during 
the fatal transaction. Cimber was fixed upon to ap¬ 
proach the Dictator with a petition on behalf of his 
brother, in pressing which upon his notice with apparent 
earnestness, he laid hold of Caesar’s robe. This was the 
signal for attack. Casca, who stood near, inflicted the 
first wound, which was instantly succeeded by many 
ethers from different hands. At first Caesar placed him¬ 
self in the attitude of defence; but when, on looking 
round, he saw innumerable swords drawn against him, 
and, amongst the rest, that of his friend Brutus, he 
attempted no resistance, but wrapping himself in his 
robe, sunk to the earth, and expired almost without a 
struggle. Brutus immediately addressed the Senate in a 
short but impressive oration, in which he attempted to 
vindicate his own conduct and that of his accomplices, 
by bringing forward the proofs of Caesar’s having aspired 
to the crown. lie was heard in profound silence; none 
of all the flatterers of Caesar durst at that moment at¬ 
tempt to reply. Consternation and terror soon seized 
and scattered the assembly ; tfie senators fled in dif¬ 
ferent directions, and the whole city was quickly in a 
tumult. The favourites of the Dictator, ignorant of the 
intentions of the conspirators, anti fearing a similar fate, 
concealed themselves for a time; nor did they venture 
to appear in public, till they had received an assurance 




/ 


212 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK If* 

from Brutus and Cassius that no violence should be 
offered them; a promise which was inviolably ob¬ 
served, though it cost them dear, as the sequel of their 
history will prove. 

Pint. inCaes. Sueton. in id. Dio. Cass. lib. 43. Cicer. Epist. 
Veil. Paterc. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

There were many interesting and amiable trails iu 
the character of Julius Caesar. He was placable, merci¬ 
ful, forgiving, and affectionate. Unlike the sanguinary 
despots, who preceded him in the government, he aspired 
to rule by kindness, rather than by terror. He wished 
to be the sovereign, not the tyrant of Rome. He che¬ 
rished no feelings of resentment towards his vanquished 
enemies, but as soon as bis pride was gratified by their 
submission, he cordially forgave, and even received them 
into his friendship. Not only could lie weep over a 
fallen rival, who preferred death to captivity, as in the 
instances of Pompey and Cato; but could entertain the 
sincerest affection tor those who had been most hostile to 
his person and government, as in the case of Brutus, who, 
after having zealously espoused the cause of his rival, 
was admitted into his confidence, and numbered amongst 
bis most intimate friends. Lot Christians go and do 
likewise; let them learn from this heathen prince not 
merely to forgive, but also to love their enemies. Lot 
them suppress those feelings of resentment and malevo¬ 
lence, which are so congenial to the pride of the heart, 
but so contrary to the spirit of the Gospel; and imitate 
the example, not of Caesar merely, but of an infinitely 
more exalted personage, w ho has taught us to “ overcome 
evil with good,” and by acts of kindness and compassion 
to soften the hearts of our enemies. 

Yet, amongst all the amiable qualities of Caesar, there 
was one hateful passion, that possessed an uucontrouled 
influence, and threw a dark shade over his whole cha« 


ESSAY XIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


213 


racter. The lust of power—that sin by which the angels 
fell—tarnished all his virtues, blunted his feelings, and 
continually urged him on to deeds of blood, from which 
his susceptible mind would otherwise have recoiled with 
abhorrence. Ambition, like a worm at the root of a 
delicate plant, withered all his hopes, and blighted all 
his enjoyments. His expectations were suddenly cut off, 
and his life abruptly terminated, by the baneful influence 
uf this passion, which, like a deadly poison, rankled at 
the heart, and spread its venom through the whole moral 
system. Thus is it often seen that characters, other¬ 
wise amiable and lovely, have one sin that easily besets 
them, one vicious habit by which they are enslaved, 
or one immoral propensity which is habitually indulged ; 
characters, to whom the words of our Saviour, addressed 
to an interesting and amiable youth, may with justice be 
applied, 44 One thing thou lackest.” Pride, avarice, 
sensuality, or some other deadly sin, reigns without 
controul, bringing forth fruit to eternal death ! For 
it is as certain that one unsubdued sin will Anally de¬ 
stroy the soul, as that 44 without holiness no man can 
see the Lord.” 

We have seen the abrupt termination of that career of 
ambition, on which Caesar entered in early life, and 
which he steadily pursued, till his purposes were broken 
off by death. What remained to him of all his con¬ 
quests, after he had fallen by the daggers of his assassins ? 
Did not as small an urn contain his ashes, as that in 
which were deposited the ashes of his meanest vassal? 
How narrow a cell is sufficient to hold the relics of 
the mortal, whom the w hole world could not satisfy, and 
whose ambition grasped at universal dominion ! He that 
could not brook a rival, or submit to share with another 
individual the sovereignty of a vast empire, has no sooner 
triumphed over his foes, and soared to the height of 
his ambition, than he is suddenly hurled from the 
pinnacle of his glory, his plumes are trodden in the 
dust, and the invincible conqueror is himself conquered 
by an irresistible toe. How impressive the instruction 
conveyed by this event to every description of worldly- 
minded characters! How distinctly does it warn them 



STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


214 


of the vanity of their pursuits, the uncertainty of their 
enjoyments, and the transient duration of their glory 
and power! “ Let not, then, the wise man glory in 
liis wisdom, nor the rich man in his wealth, nor the 
strong man in his strength; but lie that glorieth, let him 
glory in the Lord.” * 

The striking resemblance that may be traced between 
the circumstances of Pompey’s and of Ccesar’s death, 
seems to indicate the hand of retributive justice. Both 
fell by treachery; both by the hand of assassins; both 
by supposed friends, and former favourites. The tri¬ 
bute of sympathy rendered by Caesar to his fallen rival, 
lie now needed himself from surviving friends. The 
ingratitude which stung to the quick his illustrious com¬ 
petitor, Ca3sar was himself destined to feel most acutely 
in his last moments; for no pang was so sensibly felt by 
him as that which the dagger of his beloved Brutus 
occasioned. Thus does the righteous Judge, in many 
instances, recompense, even on this side the grave, the 
violence, the injustice, and the impiety of sinners, by 
constraining them to cat of the fruit of their doings. 
“ They that take the sword perish by the sword traitors 
are themselves betrayed ; and those who have contributed 
to the assassination of others, frequently end their days 
by perfidy and treason. 

Whatever might be the motives which prompted the 
conspirators to this deed of violence, however sincerely 
they might desire to rid their country of an usurper, 
who had trampled under foot the liberties of his country ; 
no excuse can be made for the base and inhuman manner 
in which the crime was perpetrated, by which the agents 
in this nefarious transaction were degraded from the rank 
of upright and conscientious patriots, to the level of 
desperados and assassins. Excellency of motive, and 
purity of intention, cannot justify an immoral action, or 
transform that which is in its own nature evil, into a 
virtuous and commendable deed. It is desirable not 
only to have an honest, but also an enlightened con¬ 
science; capable of discerning good from evil, and of 
defining, according to truth, the boundaries of virtue and 
vice. There have been some who supposed that they 


ESSAY XIV. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 21.5 

rendered an acceptable service to tbe Most Iligb, when 
they persecuted, even to death, those whose religious 
opinions or practices differed from their own ; but it will 
one day appear, that these conscientious persecutors 
were, in the sight of God, murderers, whose “ feet were 
swift to shed blood,” and who, without repentance, 
M cannot inherit the kingdom of God.” It is a light 
thing to be judged of man’s judgment. Deceived by 
ignorance, warped by prejudice, or perverted by a de¬ 
praved heart, man may censure those whom God ap¬ 
proves, or applaud those who have 66 done evil in the 
sight of the Lord.” But the hour approaches, in which 
all will be judged according to their real characters, 
and the nature of their works—when Caesar and Brutus, 
princes and subjects, oppressors and slaves, tyrants and 
patriots—all will meet before the dread tribunal, and 
await his impartial decision, who judges, not according 
to appearances or professions, but “ who judgeth righte¬ 
ous judgment.” 


ESSAY XIY. 

i 

On the literary and public Character of Cicero, the 

Roman Orator. 

born A. C. 107. diej) A. C. 43. 

Few of those names, which have been preserved 
amidst the wreck of former ages, arc so extensively known 
and admired as that of the philosophical statesman and 
eloquent writer, to whose memory the present essay is 
devoted. The period in which he lived was so eventful; 
the part he took in the transactions ot that period, so 
considerable; and the records which have been preserved 
pf his public and private life, both from his own pen, and 
the writings of his contemporaries, are so abundant and 
interesting; that it is not difficult to account for the 


r 








STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOR II. 


216 


celebrity of his name, and the reputation which he has 
maintained in all ages and countries. Brief as the outline 
must necessarily be, a sketch of the public character and 
literary occupations of this distinguished Roman forms an 
essential part of the history of that age. 

Marcus Tullius Cicero was descended from an 
ancient but not opulent family. It does not appear 
that his ancestors distinguished themselves in any of the 
walks of public life. He was a native of Arpinum, an 
obscure village, which bad previously given birth to 
Caius Marius; and was born in the same year in which 
Pompey commenced his career of ambition at Rome. 
No pains were spared in his education; and his early 
progress in every department of literature was such as to 
excite high expectations concerning him. He was in¬ 
structed in the elements of language, and in the sciences, 
by most distinguished masters; he studied poetry under 
Archias; rhetoric, under Plotius; philosophy, under 
Phcedrius the Epicurean, Philo the Academic, and Dio- 
dotus the Stoic; and jurisprudence, under the two 
Scaevolas, both of whom were celebrated for their pro¬ 
found knowledge of Roman Law. After having com¬ 
pleted his course of education, lie served for a short time 
in Sylla’s army; but preferring civil to military pursuits, 
soon returned to Rome, and began to distinguish himself 
as an orator. His first efforts were successful, and 
afforded a pleasing presage of his future eminence; but 
as they were exerted on behalf of the oppressed, they 
exposed him to the displeasure of Sylla, whose “ tender 
mercies were cruel.” 

Prompted in part by an ardent desire of knowledge, 
and partly by a wish to recruit his health which had 
been greatly impaired with study, but chiefly by fear of 
Sylla, Cicero travelled into Greece, and fixed his resi¬ 
dence at Athens.- Here he diligently attended the lectures 
of Antiochus, an academic philosopher of great celebrity, 
and the rhetorical exercises of Demetrius the Syrian, a 
distinguished master in the art of speaking. It is sup¬ 
posed, that during this visit to Athens, he was initiated 
into the celebrated Eleusinian mysteries, to which he 
alludes in many of his writings, in terms both of com- 


ESSAY ilV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


217 


mendation and reverence. From one passage, in which 
he speaks of these mysteries, it seems probable that they 
inculcated the doctrines of the unity of God and the 
immortality of the soul. It is evident that they tended 
greatly to shake his faith in the popular superstitions of 
the age and country in which he lived. After having 
gained all the information, and improved all the ad¬ 
vantages which Athens afforded, he proceeded to take 
the tour of Asia, and in every place sought out the men 
of learning who resided in the cities through which he 
passed. At Stratonica, he formed an intimacy with 
Menippus; at Adramyttus, with Xenocles; at Magnesia, 
with Dionysius; and at Rhodes, with Molon; all of 
whom were greatly admired for their eloquence and 
learning. The greatest benefits resulted to the Roman 
Orator from the society of these Grecian and Asiatic 
scholars; and they in return were surprised and de¬ 
lighted with the specimens of eloquence with which he 
indulged them. 

On his return to Rome, after the death of Sylla, bis 
improvement in elocution was manifest to all that heard 
him. His faults had been corrected, his voice and 
gesture regulated, and his style purified and enriched, by 
an attentive study of the best models. His reputation as 
an orator, and his popularity as a statesman, daily in¬ 
creased. The most important causes were entrusted to 
him, which he never failed to plead with the most 
impressive effect, though not always with success. He 
obtained without difficulty his election to the Quaestor- 
ship, as soon as he was capable by law of offering him¬ 
self a candidate for that office ; and the province assigned 
to him in which to exercise its functions, was Sicily,, 
which was deemed the most honourable and important of * 
all the Roman Quaestorships. Soon after his return 
from Sicily he was appointed Praetor, and ultimately, 
through the influence of Pompey, was elected to the 
Consulship. 

The year in which this office devolved upon Cicero, 
was one which became memorable in the annals of 
Rome, on account of the dangers to which the republic 
was exposed, and the skill with which the Consul navi' 

L 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


gIS 


gated the vessel of state through a stormy sea. The 
conspiracy of Cataline and his profligate associates has 
been alluded to in a former essay,* as having been 
detected by the vigilance, and rendered harmless by the 
energy of Cicero; who obtained secret information of all 
the meetings of the conspirators, apprehended the leaders 
of the faction at the moment in which their plans were 
ripe for execution; and, from a conviction that it was 
essential to the safety of the commonwealth, exerted all 
his eloquence to obtain a decree of the Senate for their 
immediate condemnation. But as many of the ring¬ 
leaders of this conspiracy belonged to the first tarn dies 
in Rome, and especially as they were defended by Julius 
Caesar, who then possessed great influence in the Senate, 
it was with great difficulty that a vote of that legislative 
body was obtained for the execution of these criminals. 
Xo this severe, but necessary result, the firmness of Cato 
contributed no less than the eloquence of the Consul. In 
consequence of this decree, Lentulus, Ccthegus, and 
several others, who were known to be principal con¬ 
spirators, were put to death; and Cataline himself, who 
had collected an army in Etruria, was slain in battle. 
The republic having been thus restored to tranquillity by 
the decided measures which Cicero had adopted, public 
thanks were given to him as to the “ Father of his 
country,” and sacrifices offered to the gods for the de¬ 
liverance which had been granted. The adulation paid 
to Cicero on this occasion was but too grateful to a mind 
peculiarly susceptible of flattery. His vanity was so in¬ 
flamed by it, that he could not henceforward refrain 
from complimenting himself on all occasions, both in 
public and private, in terms as extravagant as any which 
hi$ most servile flatterers could adopt. 

The part which Cicero had acted in the suppression 
of Cataline’s conspiracy made Caisar his enemy. That 
ambitious statesman clearly perceived that the same 
incorruptible patriotism which had shone so conspicu¬ 
ously in that transaction, would be likely to obstruct his 


* See Rom. Hist. Book II. Essay 12. 




Essay xiv. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


219 


projected elevation. It was therefore resolved at all 
events to banish Cicero from the city ; and the most un¬ 
worthy means were resorted to, in order to effect this 
purpose. Clodius, a turbulent tribune, whose youth had * 
been spent in profligacy, and yet who had acquired con¬ 
siderable influence in the Senate by his talents and 
wealth, was the agent employed in this degrading ser¬ 
vice. That enterprising demagogue, influenced partly 
by a desire of revenge, and partly by Caesar’s known 
wishes, proposed, and finally carried a law, which 
indirectly charged the late Consul with having illegally 
put to death several Roman citizens. Deserted both by 
Pompey and Crassus, from whom he seems to have 
expected protection, Cicero was advised by his friends to 
retire from the storm. He went into voluntary exile, and 
alter his departure from Rome, his inveterate adversary, 
the infamous Clodius, prevailed upon the Senate to 
confiscate his effects, reduce his splendid mansion to 
ashes, and declare him a public enemy. The study of 
philosophy had not sufficiently fortified the mind of 
Cicero, to enable him to bear with composure these 
indignities. His letters to his most intimate friends 
during the period of his exile, sufficiently prove the per¬ 
turbed state of his mind. Incessantly does he pour 
out the bitterest lamentations; sometimes accusing his 
friends of inactivity and indifference "to his interests, in 
not having obtained his recall; and sometimes uttering 
invectives against his ungrateful enemies, for their perse¬ 
cution of the best of Roman citizens, amongst whom he 
seems to have classed himself. 

After Cicero had languished nearly sixteen months in 
exile, Pompey felt the importance of securing his friend¬ 
ship, and exerted himself indirectly to obtain a decree of 
the Senate for his restoration. This was effected without 
much difficulty, now that Caesar was absent in Gaul, and 
Clodius had fallen into disgrace by his violent pro¬ 
ceedings. A proclamation of'the most flattering kind 
was issued, authorizing and even entreating his immediate 
return, and promising the restitution of all his effects. All 
the Italian cities vied with each other in expressions 
of joy j and extravagant panegyric; and almost the whole 




220 STUDIES IN HISTORY. ROOK II, 

population of Rome went out of the city to present him 
with their sincere and affectionate congratulations. On 
his return from exile, lie found the republic in a state 
of extreme agitation : the war between Pompey and 
Ca?sar was then beginning; the principal senators had 
attached themselves, as interest or inclination led, to one 
or other of the combatants; and it became evident that 
the question of the sovereignty of Rome must be decided 
by the sword. Cicero sincerely lamented, but could 
not prevent the rupture. He endeavoured, but in vain, 
to maintain a strict neutrality, by withdrawing as much 
as possible from public life, and devoting himself to 
literary pursuits. When, however, this neutrality was 
no longer practicable, and it became necessary to choose 
between Pompey and Caesar, he attached himself to 
the former, and took refuge in his camp. But after 
the battle of Pharsalia, he submitted, amongst many 
others, to the victor, by whom he was received with 
fraternal tenderness. 

Several years were now devoted to the more tranquil 
occupations of literary and philosophical research, inter¬ 
rupted alone by those professional engagements to which 
he was called as a. public orator. In this interval he 
is supposed to have written some of his most valuable 
works, a part of which have been preserved ; but the far 
greater part have perished amidst the desolations of 
former generations. Though in a great measure retired 
from public life, Cicero was not insensible to the de¬ 
graded state of his country; he observed, with deep 
regret, the absence of that patriotic feeling and ardent 
love of liberty, which once characterized Roman citizens; 
and the general corruption of principles and manners 
which had taken place. But from these public evils, 
which were most sincerely deplored, his attention was 
suddenly called to a domestic calamity of so distressing a 
nature, as almost to overwhelm his mind, and banish 
every other consideration. This was the death of his 
daughter Tullia, to whom he was most affectionately 
attached, and who had been the companion and delight 
of bis old age. The condolence of friendship and the 
amusement of literary occupations were alike ineffectual 


ESSAY XIV. THE HISTORY OF ROME. c 22\ 

to relieve his burdened mind ; nor could Philosophy 
herself, whose supporting influence he had so often ex¬ 
tolled in his writings, administer comfort in this hour of 
trial. His wounded spirit refused consolation, and re¬ 
signed itselt to all the violence of unrestrained grief. 
To such an extreme of infatuation did he permit his 
passions to carry him, that he even conceived the project 
of erecting a temple to her memory, and worshipping 
tier as a goddess! 

Before this breach which had been made in his 
domestic comforts was repaired, the death of Cresar took 
place; an event to which Cicero did not personally 
contribute, though he seems to have approved of the con¬ 
duct of the conspirators, and was deeply involved in its 
consequences. During the agitations which followed 
that event, he retired to his villa, and employed himself 
in composing some of those works, which have rendered 
iiis name so illustrious in the republic of letters. It was 
however impossible that so public a character should be 
concealed, or that amidst the collision of violent and con¬ 
tending parties, he should escape unhurt. Antony, first 
the flatterer, and afterwards the cruel avenger of Julius 
Caesar, formed an implacable aversion to this distinguished 
patriot; and made it a condition of his junction with 
Octavius and Lepidus, that his name should be inserted 
amongst the list of the proscribed. Emissaries were 
immediately dispatched, to discover the place of Cicero’s 
concealment, and put him to death. The proscribed 
orator was overtaken near the sea-coast, travelling in his 
litter, and attempting to effect his escape from Italy. 
Dis few attendants made a feeble resistance to the assas¬ 
sins, but were soon overpowered; the work of revenge 
was faithfully executed ; and the head and hands of the 
murdered senator were sent to Home, as a present to his 
malignant adversary. Antony having contemplated them 
with much joy, commanded them to be publicly ex¬ 
hibited in the forum, the theatre of Cicero’s former 
glory, and the scene of his most splendid triumphs. 

Thus expired, in die sixty-third year of his age, the 
prince of Roman Orators; and at whose death, it 
njay be affirmed with truth, that the brightest intellectual 


222 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK II. 

luminary was extinguished, which had ever shone upon 
the republic. His works were numerous, and related 
to a great variety of subjects. Many of these exqui¬ 
site productions have perished; but enough remain to 
establish his reputation on an imperishable basis, and 
elevate their author to the highest pinnacle of literary 
fame. 

Plut. in vit. Cicer. Ciceron. Oper. Sueton. in Jul. Cits. 
Appian. Dio. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

“ The world by wisdom knew not God.” This 
apostolical testimony receives abundant confirmation 
from profane as well as sacred history. For how little 
did the most illustrious characters of antiquity know of 
the u only living and true God.” If exalted genius and 
extensive learning—if comprehension of mind, and re¬ 
finement of taste—could lead to a right knowledge of 
God, assuredly the scholar and statesman, whose life has 
been sketched in the preceding pages, had not lived and 
died in ignorance on this momentous subject. Yet 
though richly endowed by nature, and highly cultivated 
by education, his writings abundantly demonstrate that 
he was far from having attained to the knowledge of the 
truth. He professed indeed to investigate into the nature 
and attributes of Deity, but whilst discoursing on these 
awful and sublime topics, in what idle conjectures and 
unprofitable speculations did he indulge! How unlike 
his portrait of the Supreme God, to that pure and spi¬ 
ritual and righteous Being, whom the Scriptures exhibit! 
If, as some suppose, he had really imbibed the doctrine 
of the Divine Unity, and was convinced of the absurdity 
of Polytheism, how criminal was that fear or indifference, 
which prevented him from openly avowing that con¬ 
viction ! Nor does he appear to have been better informed 
on the interesting subject of a future state of being; 
to which lie alludes indeed in some parts of his writing. 


ESSAY XIV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 




but speaks of it rather as a pleasing dream, or a subject 
of curious speculation, than *s an object of faith, or a 
joyful reality. A nd though in many respects his ethical 
disquisitions are deserving of high commendation, yet 
how remote was the proud morality he inculcated, from 
the humble, the self-denying, the benevolent morality 
of the Gospel! 

The acquirements of Cicero, pre-eminent as they were, 
were vigorously and usefully employed. His talent was 
not hidden in a napkin, nor was his light placed under a 
bushel. He exerted all his mental energies in pleading 
the cause of the oppressed, in maintaining judgment and 
justice, or in exposing the vices of the age and country 
in which he lived. The two-edged sword of his elo¬ 
quence was continually drawn, either to defend the liber¬ 
ties of the republic, or to scatter the enemies of peace 
and virtue. So should it be the concern of all whom 
God has blest with rank or influence, wealth or wisdom, 
to occupy those several talents, till the Master come, 
by employing them diligently in works of benevolence 
and usefulness. As the wisdom of the Omnipotent Crea¬ 
tor is manifest in the construction of the human frame, 
in adapting all its several members to the offices for 
which they are designed, and in endowing them with 
different properties according to the stations which they 
are intended to occupy, so in the social body does the 
same infinite intelligence appear in arming some with 
courage, and endowing others with wisdom; in giving 
to one the tongue of the learned, and to another the 
treasures of the affluent; and in distributing to every one 
in his own order and proportion that which is necessary 
to the good of the whole; so that “ the whole body may 
be fitly joined together and compacted by that which 
every joint supplieth.” Is it not then incumbent upon 
each member of this social system vigorously to exert 
those faculties with which it has been entrusted, not for 
its own benefit merely, but for the advantage of all ? But 
if the unprofitable servant, who hides his lord’s talent in 
the earth, has reason to apprehend a fearful doom, what 
must be the future condemnation of the unfaithful steward, 
who wastes it by profligacy and excess, and prostitutes 


224 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOR II. 

to the worst of purposes bis natural or acquired en¬ 
dowments? 

It was both natural and lawful, that Cicero should 
feel much secret satisfaction in having been the instru¬ 
ment of good to his beloved country, by preserving it 
from anarchy and carnage; but when that satisfaction of 
mind grew into self-love, self-admiration, and self-ap¬ 
plause, it rendered him exceedingly contemptible. Suc¬ 
ceeding generations are thus furnished with an humiliating 
example of the weakness, as well as wickedness, that is 
sometimes connected with superior mental endowments. 
It becomes us amidst all our efforts to do good, to guard 
against a vain and selfish temper, and to practise virtue 
rather for its own sake than for the honour it may yield, or 
even the pleasure it can impart. To aim at usefulness, is 
a primary duty—to derive pleasure from the conscious¬ 
ness of having been useful, is not unlawful—but farther 
than this, we may not proceed—all beyond is sin. 

Affliction is the common lot of man. Neither rank 
nor talents can purchase an exemption from its pressure. 
The most powerful cannot resist—the most wealthy can¬ 
not bribe—the most eloquent cannot disarm it. When the 
Roman orator was assailed by it, he was found weak as 
other men. He fainted in the day of adversity, and thus 
proved that his strength was small. Though lie could 
number all the principal senators amongst his sympa¬ 
thizing friends—though he had written volumes in 
praise of philosophy, in which he had represented it as 
the balm of human life, and the unfailing refuge of 
the distressed—yet how forlorn and desolate was his 
condition, when deprived of his beloved Tullia, and when 
banished from his native land. So desolate and forlorn 
must ever be the condition of those who u have no hope, 
and are without God in the world.” There are seasons 
and circumstances of human life, in which nothing can 
bind up the broken heart, or sooth the agonizing spirit, 
but the strong consolations and immortal hopes of the 
everlasting Gospel. 


I 


/ 


ESSAY XV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME, 


995 


ESSAY XV. 


On the Literature of the Romans, during the Common¬ 
wealth. 

Many years elapsed after the rebuilding of the city 
before even the faintest dawn of science can be discerned 
amongst the citizens of Rome. Continually occupied 
either with domestic contentions or foreign enterprises, 
they had neither leisure nor inclination to engage in those 
calm pursuits and that diligent research upon which the 
acquisition of know ledge depends. Instead of labouring 
to excite an ardent desire of literary distinction in the Ro¬ 
man youth, the leaders of tin* republic discouraged every 
attempt to introduce the learning of Greece and Asia into 
the republic. Two facts are recorded by ancient histo¬ 
rians which prove, not only that ns late as the Cartha¬ 
ginian wars, literature had made no progress among the 
Romans, but that strong prejudices continued to operate 
against it, as having a tendency to enervate the mind, and 
disqualify for military pursuits. It will be recollected 
that in the interval between the second and third Funic 
wars, in consequence of the conquest of Macedon, Greece 
became subject to the Roman yoke. Amongst other 
measures devised by the conquerors to accomplish the 
complete subjugation of the Greeks, one of the most 
effectual was to transport to Italy the most learned and 
popular individuals, connected with the several republics. 
In pursuance of this policy, at the dissolution of the 
Achaean league, a considerable number of learned Greeks, 
among whom was Polybius the historian, were cited to 
Rome; and after having been summarily condemned by 
the Senate, as disaffected to the commonwealth, were for¬ 
bidden to return to Achaia, and stationed in different 
parts of Italy. These foreigners planted schools of phi¬ 
losophy where they resided, and educated the Roman 
youth in every department of Grecian literature. It 
quickly became fashionable to study under Grecian 
masters, and to attend the lectures of philosophers, 


BOOK II. 


226 STUDIES IN HISTORY. 

rhetoricians, or artists, from that country. The Senate 
observed with alarm this rage for foreign literature : they 
apprehended that it would transform their hardy and in¬ 
vincible legions into effeminate scholars, and degrade a 
nation of freemen into slaves. They therefore passed a 
decree prohibiting schools of philosophy in Rome, and 
banishing the preceptors from the capital. But laws are 
ineffectual to check the progress of knowledge. A taste 
for literary pursuits had already been acquired by many, 
and could not now be restrained by statutes and penal re¬ 
gulations. Forbidden to prosecute their favourite studies 
in their own country, they passed over into Greece, 
where, though liberty was no longer enjoyed, the arts and 
sciences still flourished. From that period a residence 
of several years in some one of the principal cities of 
Greece became almost essential to a liberal education. 

Another proof of the barbarism of the Romans, at a 
still later period, may be gathered from the conduct of 
Mummius and his troops at the destruction of Corinth. 
The city was known to contain some of the finest models 
of art, executed by the most celebrated masters; but 
when the Romans took possession of the place, they ma¬ 
nifested no curiosity to inspect, nor any desire to pre¬ 
serve its literary treasures. The most exquisite paint¬ 
ings were, with the utmost indifference, consigned to the 
flames, or distributed amongst the legionary soldiers as 
of little value; the most admired productions of a 
Praxiteles or an Apelles were suffered to perish amidst the 
common desolation, with the exception of a few spe¬ 
cimens preserved by Polybius, and afterwards carried to 
Rome. It cannot therefore be doubted that till after the 
destruction of Carthage, which was contemporary with 
that of.Corinth, the arts did not flourish, nor was litera¬ 
ture encouraged in any province of the Roman republic. 

But from that period, philosophy, poetry, oratory, and 
every other species of intellectual attainment, grew w ith 
the utmost rapidity. It soon appeared, that the Romans 
were not less invincible in the walks of science, than 
they had previously been on the field of battle; and that 
even amidst the despotism of Marius and Sylla, or the 
civil wars of Pompcy and Caesar, it was possible to cul- 


ESSAY XY. 


THE HISTORY OE ROME. 


227 


tivate with success the pacific and liberal arts. After 
having dwelt so long cm the tumults and seditions that 
agitated the commonwealth, it is grateful to withdraw 
our attention for a moment from these scenes of carnage, 
and glance -at the less splendid course of its literary 
heroes. 

The philosophical sect which was in most repute at 
Rome, whose principles accorded best with the national 
character of the Romans, and to which most of the lead¬ 
ing men in the republic were attached, was that of the 
Stoics. To the doctrines of Epicurus, they had the most 
decided aversion, since it was a fundamental maxim of 
that sect, that pleasure alone was the supreme good. It 
is recorded of Fabricius, the opponent of Pyrrhus, that 
when the tenets of the Epicurean philosophy were first 
explained to him by Cyneas, he exclaimed, “ The gods 
grant that Pyrrhus and all the enemies of Rome may 
ever retain these sentiments!” Scipio Africanus, the 
illustrious conqueror of Carthage, and his friend Laelius, 
were amongst the earliest advocates of stoicism. But 
the most memorable of the Roman stoics, was Cato of 
Utica, who not only contended most strenuously on all 
occasions for its harsh and forbidding principles, but 
seems more than any other, both in life and death, to 
have reduced those principles to practice. Marcus 
Brutus, tlie associate of Cassius in the murder of Caesar, 
and his learned contemporary Terentius Y’arro, belonged 
to the sect of Ancient Academics, who differed little from 
the Stoics, and whose tenets led to similar conduct. It 
is not easy to determine, to which class of philosophers 
Cicero belonged. For though our information respect^ 
ing the philosophy of that age is principally derived 
from his writings, lie held the balance so equally, and 
states Avith such impartiality the distinguished tenets of 
each, that it can scarcely be discovered, on which side 
his preference lay. It may however be conjectured, 
from his complaint that the Peripatetic philosophy Avas 
neglected at Home, and from the instruction given to his 
son when resident at Athens, to make it his study, that 
he preferred, upon the whole, the system of Aristotle. 

It Avas remarked in a former essay, that Poetry Avas 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


22S 


of later growth in Rome than in almost any other civi¬ 
lized country'. We are informed, that at an early period 
of the commonwealth, there were obscure individuals, 
who went about reciting or singing what were called 
Fescenni/ie verses, or rude dialogues in metre, intended 
to celebrate the exploits of w arriors, or the occupations 
of husbandry. These recitations grew insensibly into a 
kind of dramatic composition, borrowed from the Greeks, 
and adapted to Roman manners. The first names w hich 
are known in connection with the Roman drama, were 
Naevius, Ennius, and Plautus, all of whom were nearly 
contemporary, and flourished about 200 years before the 
Christian ./Era. Ennius is celebrated, not only as the 
most ancient of Roman poets, who first invented hex¬ 
ameter verse, but also as an historian; for he is said to 
have written a life of Scipio Africanus in verse. The 
productions of the two former have perished, but some of 
the comedies of Plautus still exist, and afford a curious, 
but most repulsive representation of the state of society 
and manners at Rome in his day. Caecilius, whose com¬ 
positions, which were highly commended by Cicero, have 
been lost; and Terence, whose comedies are well known, 
succeeded in the same department, by whose writings the 
Roman drama was refined, but not purified. At the same 
time, Actius and Pacuvius, two tragedians of repute, but of 
whose works nothing remains, are supposed to have flou-* 
rished. A higher order of poetry next arose, of which the 
celebrated Lucretius was the founder. That poet, who w as 
contemporary both with Sylla and Cicero, conceived the 
design of adorning philosophical speculations with all 
the graces and charms of poetry. So far did he succeed, 
as to produce a poem, which still exists, and is greatly 
admired by many, in which abstract philosophical re¬ 
search is strangely blended with the utmost luxuriance of 
fancy, and the richest beauties of composition. But the 
principal objection to this curious monument of antiquity 
is, that it is raised upon the basis of infidelity, and 
sanctions the most unblushing conclusions of modern 
atheists. Next to the philosophical Lucretius, appeared 
in the train of Roman poets, the tender, the elegant, but 
unhappily it must also be added, the licentious Catullus. 


ESSAY XV. 


THE HISTORY OF HOME. 


Ot 


He was the first lyric ]>oet amongst the Romans, and 
fiourished in the days of Julius Caesar. Nor must Cicero 
be forgotten amongst the poets of that age, who not only 
distinguished himself in early youth, by composing a 
poem which was extant in Plutarch’s time, but through 
life continued to amuse himself at intervals of leisure from 
professional engagements or severer studies with the com¬ 
position of poetry, in which, if he did not greatly excel, 
it does not appear that his productions were unworthy of 
his high reputation. It is not probable, however, that if 
time had snatched these effusions of Cicero’s muse from 
the wreck of ages, they would have borne any proportion 
in value to those productions of his pen, which have been 
transmitted to posterity. 

Amongst the earliest and most distinguished prose 
writers, may be mentioned Cato the elder, or as he is 
usually stiled, the Censor, whose writings were chiefly 
historical, and drew forlh the warmest praises of Cicero, 
Quintilian, and Pliny— Varro , to the extent of whose 
erudition, and the value of whose works, (which are sup¬ 
posed to have related in part to natural philosophy,) his 
friend Cicero has borne an ample testimony— Sallust , 
whose narrative will not cease to be admired, so long as 
the faithful delineation of character, and the diligent in¬ 
vestigation of facts, are deemed essential to history—and 
Casar, whose record of his own campaigns, is adorned 
with such purity of diction and elegance of style, that it 
cannot fail to gratify the taste of the reader, however 
adverse he may feel to the subjects of which they treat. 
I3ut valuable as the writings of many of these poets, phi¬ 
losophers, and historians may appear to posterity, it is 
certain, that their authors were indebted for their repu¬ 
tation and influence, whilst living, to the exercise of an 
art, which was not necessarily connected with any of 
these attainments. This was the forensic art, in which 
almost every Roman of education sought to distinguish 
himself. Amongst so many competitors, it was not easy 
to obtain the prize of eloquence ; but there were a con¬ 
siderable number, who are known to have been pre¬ 
eminent in this popular qualification. Tiberius and 


i 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


230 


Cuius Gracchus, Lucius Crassus, the elder and younger 
Cato, Julius Cassar, and above all, Cicero, were celebrated 
orators, in an age and country, in which oratory was 
deemed most essential to a statesman, a senator, or a 
general. But from the time of Caesar’s and Cicero’s 
death, genuine manly eloquence began to decline; and 
servile flattery and pompous panegyric occupied its 
place. 


Collected from the writings of Polybius, Cicero, Aulas 

Gellius, Aurelius Victor, &:c. 

1 \ 


REFLECTIONS. 

From the preceding sketch of the origin and progress 
of Roman literature, it appears, that knowledge is power; 
and that wisdom is not only better, but eventually more 
mighty than weapons of war. The Romans lmd with 
ease effected the conquest of Greece; but afterwards 
were themselves subdued by the science and erudition 
imported from that coifntry. A few captives scattered 
through Italy, without wealth, without connections, with¬ 
out civil distinction, or political authority, were able, by 
their genius and learning alone, to give a new character 
to the Romans, form them to new habits, engage them in 
new pursuits, and constitute them (in a subordinate 
sense of the term) new creatures. A rude, ignorant, and 
ferocious people were, by their influence, gradually 
formed into a highly cultivated and refined nation. May 
it not then be inferred, that the results to mankind of that 
general diffusion of knowledge which characterizes the 
present day must be highly beneficial ? How irresistible 
w ill be the force of this weapon w hen wielded, not as in 
former ages of darkness by a few favoured individuals, 
but by ail classes of society, and all the nations of the 
earth ! And if such be the influence of knowledge, how 
supremely important is it that that knowledge which is 


ESSAY XV. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


231 


communicated should be pure ; derived from the sacred 
source of revealed truth ; and leading to the practice of 
every Christian virtue! 

If the impression made by the Achaean captives upon 
their conquerors be deemed surprising, how much more 
astonishing were the effects that followed the public 
ministry of the first teachers of Christianity. These were 
men of lowly origin and uncultivated minds, destitute of 
wealth, influence, and authority: who proclaimed doc¬ 
trines the most humiliating, enjoined duties the most 
arduous, and required sacrifices the most painful; and 
yet, who were so richly endowed with the spirit of 
wisdom from on high, that they were enabled to shake the 
empire of darkness, dissipate the gloom of superstition, 
and dart the beams of heavenly truth with the velocity of 
lightning from the one end of the earth to the other. In 
the former case, the systems of philosophy taught by the 
Grecian captives were so gratifying to the pride of the 
heart, and so perfectly compatible with the indulgence of 
sin, that it is not difficult to account for their prompt and 
cordial reception; but in the latter case, the doctrine of 
the cross, which formed the principal topic of the apostle’s 
ministry, was u to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to 
the Greeks foolishness;” its reception can therefore be 
ascribed to no influence but that which is emphatically 
styled, a the demonstration of the Spirit.” The Kornan 
and Grecian philosophers availed themselves of all the 
persuasive influence of oratory and all the fascinating 
graces of elocution; but the first preachers of the gospel 
came, not “ with excellency of speech, or with the en¬ 
ticing words of man’s wisdombut u in weakness, in 
fear, and with much trembling,” they delivered their im¬ 
portant message ; yet so great was their success, that they 
were accused by their enemies of “ turning the world 
upside down;” “their line went out through all the 
earth, and their words to the end of the world.” 

It is lamentable to observe the degradation of intellect, 
and the perversion of the noblest powers of mind, with 
which tliose sons of science, whose names have been 
mentioned, were justly chargeable. They were favoured 
with no ordinary measure of talent, but that talent was in 


/ 


232 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II. 


some instances prostituted to the worst of purposes ; and 
even those, whose writings are most moral, and, in their 
sense ot the term, religious, exhausted their capacious 
powers in fruitless speculations, and lost themselves 
amidst the mazes of scepticism and uncertainty. Who 
can glance at the productions of the most admired poets 
of that age, without a glow of indignation at the licen¬ 
tiousness and impurity in which they indulged ? Or 
who can observe the most impure of these volumes placed 
in the hands of youth, without the utmost alarm for the 
morals of those, who are thus early exposed to the con¬ 
tamination of vice ? Is there not enough that is harmless, 
(to say the least,) amongst all the stories of antiquity, that 
Christian parents and preceptors deem it necessary to 
familiarize the imaginations of their youthful charge, 
with the ribaldry of ancient comedians, or the unhal¬ 
lowed wit of epigrammatists, satirists, and amatory poets ? 
Is it because there is no chrystal fountain of living waters, 
that the young are conducted to these polluted streams? 
Knowledge, assuredly, is far too clearly purchased, if it 
be acquired at the risk of every moral principle, and by 
the sacrifice of every virtuous feeling: nor is the cultiva¬ 
tion of taste to be desired, however excellent that object 
may appear, if it can only be attained by an acquaintance 
with writers, whether ancient or modern, whose produc¬ 
tions have a necessary tendency to vitiate the affections, 
inflame the passions, and destroy the soul! 



i 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 

THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


BOOK III. 


FROM THE DEATH OF JULIUS CJESAR TO THE REIGN OF 

CONSTANTINE. 


ESSAY I. 

The second Triumvirate— Death o/’Erutus and Cas¬ 
sius—Antony and Cleopatra—Augustus, first 
Emperor of Rome . 

from A, C. 4S—-28. 

The death of Julius Caesar did not give liberty to Rome, 
That such was the hope and intention of the principal 
conspirators cannot be doubted, but in this expectation 
they were completely disappointed. Forming their 
opinion of the mass of Roman citizens by the ardent love 
of liberty that glowed within their own breasts, and con¬ 
ceiving of them ns the genuine descendants of those 
patriots, who had formerly shaken otftheyokcof tyranny, 
they anticipated the cordial support of the whole popu¬ 
lation of Rome. Rut, on the contrary, they found that 
Caesar, notwithstanding his ambition, was greatly beloved 
by the people ; and that his death, far from diminishing, 
had increased and strengthened their attachment. When 
Brutus came forward to explain to his fellow-citizens, 
the motives that had prompted him to join with so many 
other distinguished senators in this act, his address was 









234 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III 


so coldly received by the populace, that he and his asso¬ 
ciates deemed it prudent to retire to the Capitol, and 
provide means of self-defence. Antony in the mean time 
was not inactive. He convened the senators, who had 
been scattered in all directions by the tumults which fol¬ 
lowed Caesar’s death; assumed a tone of great moderation ; 
and even consented to an act of general amnesty, upon 
condition that all the acts of the late Dictator were 
confirmed, and a public funeral permitted. The design 
of Antony in making these proposals was not penetrated, 
till their fatal effects were inevitable. By the public 
reading of Caesar’s will, in which he had bequeathed a 
valuable legacy to every Roman citizen; by the exhibi¬ 
tion of his body covered with wounds, and his robe rent 
by the daggers of his assassins; and, especially, by an art¬ 
ful oration delivered at the time of his interment; Antony 
inflamed the passions of the multitude, and wrought them 
up to the highest pitch of indignation. Breathing re¬ 
venge and slaughter against the murderers of their bene¬ 
factor, many of the citizens snatched flaming brands from 
Caesar’s funeral pile, with the intention of reducing to 
ashes the houses of the principal conspirators. This 
attempt was frustrated by tlie vigilance and courage of a 
small number of armed patriots; but so general had been 
the expression of popular fury, arid so manifest were the 
hostile intentions of Antony, that a resolution was formed 
by Brutus and his friends, of retiring from the city, till 
that fury should have subsided, and public tranquillity 
should be restored. 

The departure of Brutus and his associates from 
Rome left an open field to the ambition of Antony, who 
now, with consummate art, influenced both the Senate 
and people to adopt those measures which were calcu¬ 
lated to strengthen his interest. A guard of soldiers at¬ 
tended him on all occasions, whose nnml>er was gradually 
increased, til! tiicy amounted to six thousand veterans, 
who having formerly served under Caesar, now sought an 
opportunity of avenging his death. Sextus Pompeius, the 
only surviving son of Pompey, was recalled, at Antony's 
suggestion ; and Octavios, the nephew and heir of Julius 
fajsar, invited to Rome to take possession of his inheri- 


ESSAY I. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


C J35 


tance. By these auxiliaries, neither of whom were at 
first considered sufficiently formidable to excite his jea¬ 
lousy, Antony expected to secure his own elevation to 
that supreme authority, from which Caesar had so lately 
fallen. The extreme youth of Octavius, who was then 
but eighteen years of age, and his inexperience as a 
public character, rendered Antony so unsuspicious of 
danger from this quarter, that he made no opposition to 
his public, and almost triumphal entry into the city. 
But it was not long before he perceived his error, in 
having introduced a formidable rival, whose popularity, 
as the adopted son of Caesar, was far superior to his own. 
The only method by which this false step could be reco¬ 
vered, was to consent to the division of a power, w hich he 
coidd no longer monopolize, by forming a triple league 
similar to that which had existed between Pompey, 
Caesar, and Crassus. A conference was therefore held 
between Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus, (Ilie latter of 
whom, though a despicable character, possessed a con¬ 
siderable degree of influence at Rome,) which terminated 
in the establishment of the second Triumvirate. This 
fatal league was cemented with the blood of the best 

O % 

citizens of Rome; for it was followed by a proscription, 
in which were included the names of two hundred sena¬ 
tors, and two thousand Romans of equestrian rank. Each 
of the Triumviri made a sacrifice of private friendship, 
not to the public good, but to the resentment of his asso¬ 
ciates. Thus Lepidus consented to the murder of his own 
brother Paulus; Antony, that of his uncle Lucius; and 
Octavius, that of his friend Cicero, to whom he had 
promised protection. 

While the proscription, which had been agreed upon 
by the Triumviri, deluged Rome with blood, Brutus and 
Cassius were strengthening themselves in Asia, by levying 
forces and collecting military stores, in expectation of 
the approaching contest. They succeeded in raising a 
large army, at the head of which they marched through 
Macedonia into Greece, to meet Antony and Octavius, 
who were advancing with forty legions to give them 
battle. The two armies met near Philippi, a city on the 
borders of Thrace, whose adjacent plain, surrounded by 







236 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK ITT, 


hills s(retching down to the sea-coast, was peculiarly 
favourable to military operations. Each camp was 
strongly fortified both by nature and art, and the forces 
on either side were nearly equal. The commanders con¬ 
templated, with anxious and agitated feelings, the issue 
of an engagement, which would end in victory or death ; 
Brutus alone excepted, who waited, with the utmost 
tranquillity of mind, the day of battle, in which, if vic¬ 
torious, he expected to liberate his country from slavery; 
but, if conquered, to be himself liberated from an exist¬ 
ence of which he had become weary. In a discourse 
with Cassius just before this memorable battle, he stated 
to his friend, that “ he had once censured Cato for his 
act of suicide, as manifesting an impatient and rebellious 
spirit; but that he now considered it lawful, if Fortune 
should not smile upon them, to end his days in freedom 
and honour/' 7 In these sentiments, his colleague perfectly I 
concurred, and fortified by this philosophical contempt 
of death, both repaired to the scene of action. After the 
signal for b ittle had been given, the legions commanded 
by Brutus rushed forward with such resistless fury, that 
the ranks of the enemy were quickly broken, and driven 
back to their entrenchments. But the wing commanded 
by Cassius was, in the meantime, completely routed by 
Antony, who opened to himself a passage through the 
enemy’s lines, and took possession of their entrenched 
camp. Cassius, conceiving the day was inevitably lost, 
and mistaking a corps of cavalry that Brutus had sent to 
his aid, lor a hostile force, in a fit, of desperation, threw 
himself upon his sword, and expired. This catastrophe, 
when made known to Brutus, instantly turned liis joy 
into the deepest sorrow. Though his stoical principles 
forbade him to discover any strong emotions either of 
triumph or regret, he was unable to suppress his feelings 
on this occasion, but tenderly wept over the remains of a 
friend, whom he denominated 44 the last of the Romans.” 
Cassius was privately intened in the adjacent isle of 
Thasos, lest the knowledge of his death, if circulated 
through the camp, should dispirit the troops under his 
command. The hostile armies, whose loss had been 
nearly equal, remained inactive, though within si<dit of 




ESSAY I. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 237 

each other, twenty days. The troops at length became 
impatient, and Brutus, influenced partly by the fear of 
desertion, and partly by a wish to decide the controversy, 
resolved to risk another general engagement, which took 
place on the same spot on which the former battle had 
been fought. The issue was fatal to his hopes; his 
army was totally defeated ; and he himself with difficulty 
escaped from his enemies. Sheltered by an excavated 
rock from the vengeance of his pursuers, Brutus and a 
small number of faithful attendants spent the night in 
melancholy silence. In the morning, the vanquished 
general discoursed with the utmost composure on the 
misery of guilt, and congratulated himself and his friends, 
on having obtained by their virtues a reputation which 
tyrants and oppressors could never deserve. After which 
he earnestly requested Strato to perform the last office of 
friendship, by piercing him to the heart. But perceiving 
that Strato recoiled from the unwelcome task, he called 
upon a slave to execute it. “ No!” exclaimed the 
friend of Brutus, “ it shall not be said, that the Roman 
Patriot was indebted to a slave for a service which his 
affectionate friends withheld and instantly, with an 
averted countenance, presenting the point of his sword, 
Brutus fell upon it, and expired. It is not unworthy of 
remark, that all who had been actually employed in the 
assassination'of Caesar, the manner of whose death is re- 
1 corded in history, either fell by their own hands, or by 
*the swords of their enemies. 

After the death of Brutus and Cassius, the Triumviri 
divided between themselves the provinces of the empire, 
and each, either really or apparently satisfied with his 
lot, hastened to take possession of his own department. 
The Eastern provinces were assigned to Antony, and 
amongst the rest, Egypt, of which the infamous Cleo¬ 
patra was at that time regent, by permission of the 
! Romans. This princess, whose licentiousness was equal 
to her beauty—the fascination of whose charms had for¬ 
merly seduced Julius Caesar, and long held the conqueror 
of the world in ignominious thraldom—this perfidious 
princess, still aiming at new conquests, exerted all her 
bewitching influence upon Antony, the new Governor oi 










23 8 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK IU. 


Egypt. Caught in her fatal toils, from which he found 
it utterly impossible to extricate himself, this hardy war¬ 
rior was quickly transformed into so devoted and abject 
an admirer, that his very existence seemed to depend 
upon her smile, though that smile was treacherous and 
destructive. At the profligate court of Alexandria, many 
successive months were consumed by Antony in licentious 
revels and enervating pleasures; whilst Octavius was 
engaged in carrying on a maritime war with the younger 
Pompey, and allotting portions of land to his veteran 
soldiers according to their merit. His conduct was so 
prudent, and his manners were so insinuating, that all 1 
classes of the Roman citizens became cordially attached 
to him. 

After his domestic arrangements were completed, 
Octavius availed himself of different pretexts for pro¬ 
claiming war, first against his colleague Lepidus, whom 
he deprived of all authority in the state, arid afterwards 
against Mark Antony, who now presented the only re¬ 
maining obstacle to his ambition. Antony was so spell¬ 
bound by the beauty and artifices of Cleopatra, that it 
was long before he could resolve- to quit Egypt, and 
collect a sufficient fleet to encounter that of Octavius 
Caesar. At length, however, he girded on his splendid 
harness, and placed himself at the head of his eastern 
fleets and armies, which are said to have contained 
almost as numerous a train of musicians, comedians, and 
buffoons, as of naval and military combatants. The 
decisive battle, which gave to Octavius Caesar the undis¬ 
puted empire of the world, was fought near Actium in 
Epirus. Its issue remained doubtful, till Cleopatra, who 
had brought with her the whole naval strength of Egypt, 
drew off sixty of her largest vessels in the midst of the 
engagement, and sailed towards Alexandria. Her in¬ 
fatuated paramour, unable to sustain her absence, followed 
her in a five-oared boat, leaving both his fleet and army 
to the mercy of his successful rival. Thus deserted by 
the general in whose cause they fought, the adherents of 
Antony surrendered to Octavius and his officers without 
furth r opposition. 

Octavius Caesar followed his vanquished colleague 



ESSAY K 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


239 


into Egypt? who bad resigned himself to chagrin from 
the time of his defeat at Actium, shutting himself up in 
a retired mansion, without society, without domestics, 
without even a bosom friend. But from this state of 
misanthropic melancholy, he was suddenly aroused by 
the intelligence, that a Roman fleet drew near to the port 
of Alexandria. Though ill prepared for the encounter, 
he placed himself at the head of a few mercenaries, and 
made a desperate, but unavailing attack upon his adver¬ 
sary. But again he had the mortification to witness the 
treachery of Cleopatra, who had given private instruc¬ 
tions to the commanders of her fleet to surrender them¬ 
selves to Caesar. Urged to desperation by this act of 
perfidy, and afterwards by a false report of Cleopatra’s 
death, lie drew his sword, and gave himself a mortal 
wound. After the death of Antony, the perfidious queen 
tried all her arts upon the youthful conqueror without 
success. Perceiving that it was the purpose of Octa¬ 
vius, to deprive her of her crown, and exhibit her at 
Rome in his triumphal procession, she too resolved to 
avoid the disgrace by terminating her own existence. 
An asp was secretly conveyed into her apartment, whose 
mortal venom occasioned her death, and that of her two 
female companions. 

The return of Octavius from Egypt, which took place 
in his fifth consulship, was succeeded by a splendid 
triumph, during which festival, several newly-erected 
temples w< re dedicated; largesses were distributed 
amongst the >oldiers and common people; public games 
were celebrated with extraordinary pomp; and the 
whole concluded with closing the portals of the temple 
of Janus, which Bad continued open nearly tw o hundred 
years. The question now arose in what form the govern¬ 
ment should be administered in future, since the Tri¬ 
umvirate was abolished by the death of one, and the 
abdication of another of its members; and since the 
Consulate, the Tribunate, and all other offices estab¬ 
lished during the commonwealth, had become merely 
nominal. With great apparent reluctance, Octavius 
was at last prevailed upon by <lie Senate, to under¬ 
take the sole administration of the empire , under the 







STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


HOOK III. 


240 


title of C.esar Augustus ; a military guard was insti¬ 
tuted to attend him on all occasions; and the Imperial 
Government, which had long been illegally exercised' 
both by Julius and Octavius Caesar, was now sanctioned 
by law, and dignified with all the splendour of royalty. 
This important event took place 724 years after the 
building of the city—474 after the expulsion of the 
Tarquins—and 28 years before the Christian JE ra. 

Pint, in vit. Brut, ct Anton. Sueton. in August. Yell. 
Paterc. lib. 2. Appian. lib. 3. Dio. Flor. &c. 




REFLECTIONS. 


The most laudable design may be expected to fail, 
if pursued by illegitimate and dishonest means. It is 
not enough that the end be good—the means adopted for 
its attainment must be good also. 'This sentiment is 
abundantly confirmed by the facts stated in the preceding 
pages. The parties concerned in the death of Caesar 
panted after liberty; they were ardently desirous of 
restoring the commonwealth; they conceived that the 
end would justify the means; and therefore resolved to 
pursue it, though it were by assassination and murder. 
But their hopes were blasted; the prize which seemed 
already within their grasp, was suddenly snatched from 
them; instead of the applause they had fondly anticipated 
from a grateful public, they were rewarded with universal 
execration; their names were cast out as evil, and their 
days spent without honour. Exiled from their beloved 
country, and harassed by their treacherous toes, they 
became weary of life, and in almost every instance 
terminated their own existence. Whilst the dispersion 
and untimely death of these assassins bespeak the retri¬ 
butive vengeance of the Most High, and proclaim to 
succeeding generations that the u way of transgressors is 
hard;” their disappointed expectations admonish us, 
that every hope of salvation will prove delusive which 
rests not on a scriptural basis, and which is not accom- 












ESSAY I. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 241 

panied with the exercise of evangelical holiness. All 
the workers of iniquity will, in like manner, in the day 
of final retribution, be driven away in their wickedness, 
covered with shame and everlasting confusion. 

To what a pernicious growth had the sin of suicide 
attained, at the period to which the present essay refers. 
Persons of every class in society, and under all circum¬ 
stances of human life, became proficients in the art of 
self-destruction. Not only did philosophers and patriots, 
statesmen and warriors, compose the train of self-mur¬ 
derers ; but libertines, courtesans, and menials mingled 
in the throng. Every one whose projects were crossed—. 
whose hopes were blasted—whose circumstances were 
adverse—or whose pride was wounded—felt himself 
justified in the perpetration of this crime. In the dis¬ 
gusting procession which has just passed before our eyes* 
we have not only seen the philosophic Brutus, with appa¬ 
rent calmness and deliberation, taking the fatal leap into 
an eternal world; and his impetuous companion in arms, 
in a moment of desperation, blindly rushing to the 
tremendous verge : but these were followed by an aban¬ 
doned libertine, and his infamous paramour, who after 
having drank to intoxication of the cup of sensual 
pleasure, reeled to the fearful precipice, and hurled 
themselves headlong into perdition. 

The criminal attachment of Antony and Cleopatra, on 
which so many historians, both ancient and modern, 
seem to have dwelt with peculiar pleasure, and all the 
circumstances of which they have detailed with a mis¬ 
chievous minuteness, would have been wholly passed 
over in silence by the writer of these essays, but for the 
moral instruction it conveys. It may be profitable to 
glance for a moment at the interior of a heart, in which 
Pleasure (falsely so called) had set up her throne—to 
observe there the fever of passion raging, the venom of 
envy rankling, the scorpions of remorse devouring, and 
the flames of jealousy consuming the inmost vitals—to 
witness the satiety and disgust that attend, and the guilty 
terrors that follow the commission of sin—to mark the 
fearfulness and trembling, the horror and amazement, 
that overtake the emaciated libertine in the prospect of 

M 






242 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK III. 

dissolution. If sensual gratifications could have im¬ 
parted happiness, the Roman Triumvir, when revelling 
at the court of Alexandria, must have been pre-emi¬ 
nently happy. But in the very lap of sensuality, he 
found himself the prey of chagrin and melancholy, from 
which he could find no shelter on this side the grave. 
So true is it that “ lust when it hath conceived bringeth 
forth sin, and sin when it is finished bringeth forth 


/ 

ESSAY II. 

On the Character and Reign of Augustus Cjesar. 

»* 0 

from A. C. 28 to A. D. 14. 

It is not easy to form a correct estimate of the talents 
and administration of Augustus, on account of the un¬ 
qualified praises which had been lavished upon him by 
the writers of that age, whom he liberally patronized, 
and from whom our information respecting him is neces¬ 
sarily derived. That the state of the empire was most 
flourishing when he assumed the reins of government; 
and that, notwithstanding the proscriptions which dis¬ 
graced his Triumvirate, the whole of his Imperial admi¬ 
nistration was characterized by clemency and moderation, 
cannot be doubted. His future conduct justifies the 
conclusion, that the cruelties of his youth were rather to 
be attributed to the unquiet spirits by whom he was 
surrounded, than to his own malignity of temper. If he 
had earlier enjoyed the friendship of a Maecenas, instead 
of being associated with men like Antony and Lepidus, 
it is probable that the commencement of his public life 
would have been as humane and pacific, as its close. 

Augustus well understood the character and disposi¬ 
tion of the Roman people. He knew that beneath all 
their extravagant adulation and homage, there lay con¬ 
cealed an ardent love of liberty and an inveterate hatred 






ESSAY II. THE HISTORY Ol- ROME. 243 

of tyrants. He had seen the rock on which his uncle 
Julius had split, and determined to shun it, by appearing 
to decline the honours that were voted him, affecting to 
shrink from the burden of governing so vast an empire, 
and at last reluctantly consenting to undertake it but for 
a limited time. This retiring modesty, whether real or 
feigned, added to urbanity of temper and condescending 
manners, public munificence, and an equitable govern¬ 
ment, secured him the affections of his subjects to a 
degree which has seldom been enjoyed by any monarch. 
It was highly gratifying to the Homan Senate to find 
that Augustus, instead of exercising that absolute autho¬ 
rity which had been entrusted to him, referred all ques¬ 
tions to their decision, and performed all public acts in 
their name; nor was it less gratifying to the people to 
observe, that all the ancient forms of popular election 
were kept up, that tribunes were still chosen, though 
their authority had ceased; and that delinquents were 
publicly tried in the forum, and acquitted or condemned 
according to law. In all the affairs of state, the Emperor 
is supposed to have acted by the advice and under the 
influence of his friend Maecenas, who faithfully reproved 
his faults, pointed out his errors, warned him of the 
dangers that threatened his person and government, and 
administered the most salutary and excellent counsel. 
This distinguished Senator, who is rendered more illus¬ 
trious by the benefits conferred on his country, and the 
patronage afforded to literature and the arts, than by the 
nobility of his birth, or the amplitude of his fortune, con¬ 
tinued during many years to guide the counsels, and 
direct the public measures of Augustus, who was not 
insensible to his great worth. 

The two first years of the imperial government of 
Augustus were occupied with rewarding his soldiers; 
instituting laws for the correction of public morals; and 
regulating the foreign provinces, which had become 
unsettled, during the late commotions. His accession 
had taken place in a time of profound peace, but it could 
scarcely be expected that so unwieldy an empire would 
long remain in a state of perfect tranquillity. Tidings 
were soon spread ot insurrections in Gaul, Germany and 








244 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK HI, 

Spain, which by a judicious mixture of vigour and 
lenity, were quickly suppressed. For his successes in 
this war, lie was indebted not so much to his personal 
efforts, (for he was naturally averse from military pur¬ 
suits,) as to the talents and bravery of his generals, 
several of w hom were of his own family. Amongst these 
officers, the lieutenant in whom he uniformly placed the 
highest degree of confidence was Agrippa, who had 
greatly distinguished himself in the battle of Actium, and 
who afterwards became his son-in-law. 

But though the external affairs of Augustus were 
thus prosperous, not only in the commencement, but 
through the whole of his protracted reign-—though he 
was cheered by the smiles, and entrenched in the affec¬ 
tions of his devoted subjects—he was not a stranger to 
sorrow. He had, unhappily for himself, and for man¬ 
kind, married Livia, the wife of Tiberius Nero, a woman 
of consummate art, and insatiable ambition. By her 
former husband she had two sons, Tiberius and Drusus; 
the former of whom it was the business of her life to 
promote to honour, though by the most nefarious means. 
There, were several nearer relatives of Augustus, who 
were presumptive heirs to the crown, and, on this ac¬ 
count, the objects of her most inveterate hatred. Some 
of these she is suspected of having taken off by poison, 
that an unobstructed course might be opened to the 
ambition of her favourite son Tiberius; and others died 
in their youth, deeply lamented by Augustus, and by 
the whole Roman people. The susceptible heart of 
this amiable prince was wrung with anguish, when, at 
different periods of his life, he was called to attend the 
funeral rites of several lovely youths, whom he had ex¬ 
pected to succeed him in the empire, and to whom he 
was warmly attached. One of these was Marcellus, the 
son of his sister Octavia, and the first husband of his 
daughter Julia, a youth of most promising character and 
amiable disposition, of whom the Poet Virgil has left 
this honourable record: “ The Fates exhibited him to 
the world, and then took him away, lest Rome should be 
too happy in possessing so invaluable a trcasure. ,, After 
an interval of several years, Agrippa, Julia’s second 




ESSAY II. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


245 


husband, whom after the death of Marcellus, Augustus 
had adopted, and on whom his chief hopes were placed, 
died in Pannonia, leaving two sons, Caius and Lucius, 
to occupy his place in the affections of the Emperor. 
This genera], who might justly be considered the asso¬ 
ciate, though not the rival of Augustus in the govern¬ 
ment, had discharged every office of state both foreign 
and domestic, with distinguished ability and faithfulness, 
lo the enemies of Home, he had ever been an object of 
terror, but to his sovereign and fellow-subjects, of affec¬ 
tionate esteem. His death was felt to be a public loss 
and sincerely deplored by all the Homan citizens. Augus¬ 
tus himself pronounced his funeral oration, and caused 
his remains to be deposited in his own sepulchre. This 
event was quickly followed by the death of the Emperor’s 
sister Octavia, and that of Drusus, the younger brother 
of Tiberius, who had acquired great celebrity by his vic¬ 
tories in Germany and Gaul. 

But none of these domestic calamities penetrated so 
deeply into the heart of Augustus, as the infamous prac¬ 
tices of his daughter Julia, who gave herself up to the 
most shameless prostitution. In the first transport of 
passion, after the discovery of her guilt, the Emperor 
thought of putting her to death; but afterwards his 
parental feelings recoiled from so severe a measure, and 
induced him to banish her to the island of Pandataria, 
where she lived many years in retirement and obscurity 
under the care of her mother Scribonia, from whom 
Augustus had been long divorced. So deeply did he 
resent the dishonour brought upon his family by this 
profligate woman, that many years after, when the people 
solicited her recall, he refused, saying that “ fire and 
water could sooner coalesce, than he and his daughter 
be reconciled;” and not unfrequently was he heard to 
express with a sigh his deep regret, that u he had not 
either lived unmarried, or died childless.” All his re¬ 
maining hopes were now fixed upon the two sons of 
Agrippa, Cains and Lucius, who had nearly arrived at 
maturity, when they were both suddenly cut off, not 
without suspicion of their death having been accelerated 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK III. 


246 


by the artifices of Livia, to prepare the way for her son’s 
elevation to the imperial crown. 

But though bereft of all his domestic comforts, Augus¬ 
tus had the satisfaction of seeing his empire prosperous, 
and his subjects happy. Ail the provinces were in a 
state of tranquillity ; commerce flourished, and literature 
advanced, beneath his patronage; the most salutary lavs 
were enacted, and the ablest counsellors chosen to super¬ 
intend the affairs of state. In this time of universal 
peace and unprecedented prosperity, a memorable decree 
was issued by Caesar Augustus, that all the subjects of 
the Roman government in every quarter of the globe 
should be publicly enrolled. The obvious design of the 
Emperor in making this edict was to ascertain the 
strength, and increase the resources of his flourishing 
empire; but a far different and infinitely more important 
end was really answered by it. This imperial decree 
was intimately connected with an event which took 
place at this period, and which as far surpasses in 
interest and importance all other events recorded in 
history, as eternity with its awful realities rises above the 
trifles of time, it will be anticipated by the reader that 
the event now referred to, was the Incarnation of the 
Son of God, who was born about this time at -Beth¬ 
lehem in Judaea, which though once the residence of a 
most illustrious monarch, had now become an obscure 
village, in a remote province of the Roman empire. It 
does not appear that this miraculous event attracted the 
attention of the Court of Rome, though it excited such 
alarm ami jealousy in the breast of llerod, the Governor 
of Judaea, that lie was induced to command the horrible 
massacre of infants, of which mention is made by the 
Evangelist Matthew. Yet little as it was known in 
Judaea itself, and wholly unknown as it probably was 
to the inhabitants of the distant metropolis, it was an 
event in which, politically as well as morally considered, 
the monarch and people of Rome were more deeply 
interested than in any which could occupy their atten¬ 
tion : for not only were all the prophecies of the Jewish 
Scriptures fulfilled by that memorable event; but the 













ESSAY II. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 247 

basis was laid of a new empire, which should ultimately 
embrace every nation under heaven. 

The advanced age and increasing infirmities of the 
Emperor now inclined him to retire as much as possible 
from public life. His first wish seemed to be, to resign 
the government into the hands of the Senate; but as this 
proposal was rejected, he devolved the executive govern¬ 
ment upon Tiberius, his adopted son and successor; 
who after having lived many years in retirement at 
Rhodes, had lately returned to Rome, and resumed the 
command of the armies. But though Augustus partially 
withdrew from the field of action, he continued with 
truly parental affection to watch over the empire, to guide 
the counsels and assist in the deliberations of the Senate, 
and to instruct Tiberius in the conduct of public affairs. 
Thus he proved himself in his old age what lie had 
been called in his youth, the “ Father of the Roman 
People.” An insurrection in Ulyricum, requiring the 
presence of Tiberius, Augustus accompanied him as far 
as Reneventum, where lie was seized with a disease 
which quickly terminated his mortal existence. When 
lie perceived his end approaching, he called for a look¬ 
ing-glass, caused his hair to be drest, as when he appeared 
in public, and then asked his attendants, “ whether they 
did not think he had acted his part well;” and on being 
answered in the affirmative—“ then give your applause,” 
he exclaimed, alluding to the custom of the theatre, and 
almost instantly expired in the arms of Livia. Tfig 
death of Augustus, which was carefully concealed for a 
considerable time from the Roman people, was no sooner 
made known, than the whole empire was plunged into 
the deepest distress; to which it is probable that the 
knowledge of the character of Tiberius, and dread of his 
future tyranny, contributed in no small degree. 

There were many traits in the moral character of 
Augustus, deserving of particular notice. His heart was 
unusually tender, as is evident not only from his grief for 
the loss of relatives, but still more from the impression 
made by a disaster, which befel some of his veteran 
legions in Germany. A considerable body of Roman 
infantry, under the command of Varus, had been drawn 








STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK Ilf. 


24S 

\ 

into an ambuscade, and put to the sword by their merci¬ 
less adversaries. When the melancholy intelligence of 
this catastrophe reached the ears of Augustus, he was 
penetrated with the deepest sorrow, appeared for a con¬ 
siderable time in mourning, and was frequently heard to 
exclaim with evident emotions of sorrow, “ Varus, restore 
me my slaughtered legions l” In every period of life, 
from extreme youth to old age, this amiable prince mani¬ 
fested the utmost abhorrence of libertinism and profligacy 
of manners. The fascinations of Cleopatra made no 
impression upon Iris juvenile heart but that of horror and 
disgust. After his accession to the throne his most severe 
laws were directed against sensualists and libertines; in 
consequence of which Ovid (he poet was banished for his 
licentious writings ; nor were even his own daughter and 
grand-daughter spared, when convicted of infamous prac¬ 
tices. When enumerating the excellent qualities of this 
prince, it would be inexcusable to overlook his forgive¬ 
ness of injuries, and kindness to his enemies. He pro¬ 
ceeded more than any of the heathen princes celebrated 
in history, upon the principle of “ overcoming evil with 
good.” An instance is recorded which exhibits the 
character of this sovereign in a most interesting light. 
Cornelius Cinna, the grandson of Pompey, Avas detected 
in a conspiracy against the life of Augustus. On the 
day of trial, the Emperor not only forgave the convicted 
criminal, but addressed him in words to this effect. a I 
have twice given you your life ; first, ns an enemy; now, 
as a conspirator. And now I give you the consulship; 
let us therefore in future be friends, and only contend 
whether 1 shall be most generous, or you most faithful.” 

Sneton. in August. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. Dio. lib. 53 et seq. 
Veil. Patere. lib. 2, &c. 



REFLECTIONS. 


It is of importance, not only to princes, upon whom 
the happiness of myriads of their subjects depends, but 














I 


V 


ESSAY II. TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 249 

to persons of every rank and in every condition of life* 
that the companions of their youth be well chosen. For 
these early associates have in all cases a powerful, though 
frequently an imperceptible influence, upon the future 
character. But more especially, when the temper is 
amiable, the heart open to impression, the disposition 
generous and social, that influence, whether good or evil, 
will be proportionally increased. It was when a bond of 
fellowship subsisted between Augustus and Antony, that 
the former appeared vindictive and cruel; it was then 
that proscriptions and murders were assented to by 
Octavius, the guilt and disgrace of which principally 
belonged to his associates. But, happily for himself, and 
for his country, that alliance was of short duration. 
Before his habits were deeply rooted, or his character 
completely formed, he was detached from these vicious 
connections ; an intimate and permanent friendship ori¬ 
ginated between him and Maecenas, whose excellent in¬ 
structions and counsels regulated his future conduct, 
both in public and private, if it be the privilege of any 
youth who reads these pages, to possess such a friend;, 
one who faithfully reproves his faults, and affectionately 
warns him of danger; whose constant endeavour it is to 
insinuate wisdom into his mind, and engage him in the 
pursuit of truth and holiness—that youth is earnestly 
exhorted highly to esteem and cherish such a friend ;for 
his price is above rubies, and his worth above much fine 
gold. The benign influence of such a friendship may be 
the means of preserving from the path of the destroyer, 
and preparing for distinguished usefulness and honour. 

The greatest degree of outward prosperity cannot 
insure happiness, or give to its possessor that tranquillity 
of mind which is essential to real enjoyment. Was there 
not every thing in the external condition of Augustus, 
which would seem necessary to the happiness of a prince ; 
his subjects, affectionate; his arms, victorious; his empire, 
flourishing and united ? Yet was his heart wrung with 
anguish; his days were spent in sorrow. Nor was that 
sorrow groundless ; for he had repeatedly seen his fondest 
parental hopes blasted; his most flourishing gourds of 
domestic comfort had been withered and trodden in the 

m 5 


/ 




250 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK III 


dust. Not only had he followed to the silent grave, 
many who had been “ yerv pleasant to him in their 
lives,” and from whom in death, Ins affections were not 
divided; but his had been the task most distressing to 
the heart of a parent—to remove from his embraces/a 
loved, but dishonoured child, who was lost to him in a 
sense far worse than that of death. None but the cha¬ 
racter who lias met with this heaviest of human calamities, 
can fully sympathize with this amiable but afflicted 
monarch, in the mingled shame and anguish, indignation 
and horror, with which he was overwhelmed, on disco¬ 
vering that a daughter to whom he had fondly looked as 
the solace, had become the curse of his old age. Ah ! 
how seldom does the abandoned youth, who gives him¬ 
self up to the practice of iniquity, reflect on the distress 
of mind he inflicts on others, as well that which he 
must personally endure; how seldom does he consider 
that his infamy will not only drown his own soul in per¬ 
dition, but will be as a sword to pierce the bowels of her 
that bare him, and like an oppressive burden will bring 
down the grey hairs of his father with sorrow to the 
grave. 

Melancholy was the closing scene of the life of Augus¬ 
tus, in which, with a levity and profaneness highly un¬ 
becoming even in a heathen, who professed to have some 
expectation of an hereafter, lie fancied himself an actor 
that had been performing a principal part in the drama 
of life, and was now retiring from the stage amidst the 
plaudits of the audience ! How contemptible does that 
vanity and self-approbation appear, which discovered 
itself at that awful moment, in which all teniporal dig¬ 
nities were fading on his sight, and when it might have 
been expected that he would be alike indifferent to the 
praise or censure of his fellow-mortals ? Yet there are 
many who have enjoyed the advantages of Christian 
instruction, that look back with self-complacency on the 
part which they have acted in life, and seem to demand 
with their expiring breath, not only the plaudits of their 
fellow-creatures, but heaven itself, as the reward of their 
beneficence and virtues! To “ rejoice in the testimony 
of our consciences that in simplicity and godly sincerity 



■ESSAY II. THE HISTORY OF HOME. 

we have had our conversation in the world,” is not incon¬ 
sistent with Christian humility; but to derive our latest 
consolation in death from this or any other source of 
self-approbation—to rest our hope of immortality on this 
or any other basis of self-confidence—is to cherish a 
fatal delusion. 

“ The kingdom of God came not with observation.” 
<£ The manifestation of the Son of God in the flesh,” 
attracted not the attention of the princes of this world. 
No one of the annalists of that age deemed it an event of 
sufficient importance to introduce into his pages. The 
least act of Augustus, or any of his courtiers, was trum¬ 
peted by fame throughout the Roman empire, and 
handed down to posterity by a host of flatterers; but 
none of all these Augustan writers proclaimed the birth of 
Jesus; though that event was attested by the most 
astonishing miracles, and attended with the most interest¬ 
ing results; though it was an event upon which angels 
gazed with wonder and delight, and which will employ the 
harps and songs of the redeemed to all eternity. Yet 
though the sovereigns of the earth knew not the Lord of 
Glory, when he condescended to appear in human form, 
they were secretly influenced to do that which the 
“ hand and counsel of God determined before to bo 
done.” In order that the birth and lineage of the Incar¬ 
nate Saviour might appear to be what the prophets fore¬ 
told, a general enrolment of the unnumbered millions 
' who were subject to the Roman government must take 
place; a decree must go forth from Caesar Augustus that 
<£ all the world should be taxed.” Thus did the monarch 
who then swayed the sceptre of universal dominion vir¬ 
tually pay homage to the Babe of Bethlehem , and prove 
to succeeding ages that he was the true Messiah. 


252 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


ESSAY III. 

On Tiberius and Caligula, 
from A. D. 15—42. 

The mild and splendid administration of Augustus 
was succeeded by a period of gloom and terror, from the 
recollection of which the benevolent mind recoils with 
abhorrence and disgust. All the subsequent series of 
Roman Emperors, with a very few exceptions, were dis¬ 
tinguished alone by those flagrant vices and cruelties, 
which rendered them hateful to their oppressed subjects, 
and have branded their names with perpetual disgrace. 
The first of these monsters of depravity was Tiberius, 
who was nearly fifty-six years of age, when the death of 
Augustus Caesar devolved on him the entire administra¬ 
tion of the government, a considerable portion of which 
had been previously entrusted to his care. Accustomed 
from his earliest years to carry on a system of duplicity, 
that his vices might escape detection, and that his real 
character might not be penetrated by the Emperor and 
his counsellors, it was not difficult to continue the same 
arts of dissimulation, till he found himself in secure pos¬ 
session of the throne. When therefore the Roman 
Senate humbly solicited that he would undertake the go¬ 
vernment of the empire, with a well-feigned modesty, he 
first declined the task, then reluctantly consented to 
govern one of the provinces, and finally accepted of the 
crown, though penetrated with a sense of his unworthi- 
jness and insufficiency, and ardently desirous of enjoying 
repose! 

Yet, practised as he was in hypocrisy and dissimu¬ 
lation, the ferocity of his temper, and the malignity of 
his heart, developed themselves in some of his first public 
acts. Scarcely were the ashes of Augustus deposited in 
the imperial sepulchre, when Agrippa, (the sou of the 
general of that name, mentioned in the last essay,) was 
put to death by the express order of Tiberius: a mea- 













ESSAY III. THE HISTORY OF ROME* 253 

sure, the injustice of which he in vain attempted to con¬ 
ceal, in the first instance, by pretending that the late 
monarch had left instructions to that effect ; and after¬ 
wards, by threatening to prosecute the centurion, whom 
he had employed to execute the nefarious deed. This 
was followed by a course of yet more flagrant injustice 
towards Germaniciis, whose amiable character excited 
liis hatred, and whose increasing popularity, his envy. 
This interesting youth was, on many accounts, endeared 
to the Roman people. He was the elder son of Drusus, 
the brother of Tiberius, whose early death was univer¬ 
sally and justly lamented. He had married Agrippina, 
the amiable and excellent daughter of Agrippa, and 
grand-daughter of Augustus t'aesar, by whom he had 
several sons, that promised to inherit their father’s virtues. 
He had acquired a high degree of reputation by his 
victories over the Germans and Gauls;'and especially, 
by having recovered the eagles and standards which had 
once belonged to the legions of Varus, whose massacre 
was considered the heaviest and most disgraceful cala¬ 
mity that had ever befallen a Roman army. The well- 
earned popularity of this distinguished general inflamed 
the jealousy of the tyrant, and prompted him to devise 
means of secretly effecting his death. With this view 
Germanicus was recalled in the midst of his career of 
victory, and sent with consular authority into Asia to 
conduct the Parthian war. At the same time, an unprin¬ 
cipled courtier, named Cneius Piso, was stationed in an 
adjacent province with private instructions from the 
Emperor, to counteract all the measures, and by every 
possible means to obstruct the success of Germaniciis. 
When this was found too tardy, or too ineffectual a 
method of accomplishing his ruin, Piso and his infamous 
wife Plancina, adopted the more certain expedient of 
administering poison, by the effects of which, after 
having languished for some time, he died in excruciating 
agonies. The intelligence of his death, though its cause 
long remained unknown, plunged the whole population 
of Rome info the deepest distress. All public and private 
business was suspended; lamentations were heard from 
every quarter; and sorrow was written upon every couu-< 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


HOOK III. 


254 


tenance. II seemed as if (ho safety of the state, and the 
happiness of every individual were involved in the life 
of German ictus, and irrecoverably lost by his death. 
When Agrippina arrived at Rome, bearing the funeral 
urn which contained the ashes of her deceased husband, 
the expressions of sorrow were renewed, in which Tibe¬ 
rius felt it necessary to join, that he might avoid sus¬ 
picion. Shortly alter, Piso was prosecuted by the Senate 
tor the death of Gcrmanicus and other crimes; the de¬ 
served punishment of which he escaped by committing 
suicide; and his wife Plnncinn, after several years had 
elapsed, was put to death by the command of Tiberius 
himself. 

But though the wretched instruments of his tyranny 
were thus sacrificed, nothing could be more gratifying to 
the wishes of the Emperor than the crime they had per¬ 
petrated. Freed from a dreadful rival, whose presence had 
been a continual restraint, and whose image, when absent, 
had haunted him in every place, Tiberius now began to 
throw off the mask he had so long worn, and disclosed 
by degrees his real character. An ancient law, which 
made every offence against the Majesty of the Roman 
people, a capital crime, was now revived and applied by 
the tyrant to the execution of his most sanguinary pur¬ 
poses. All who were become objects of suspicion and 
jealousy to the Emperor or his courtiers, were summarily * 
tried and condemned by this lav/. Those who were most 
distinguished by their birth, talents and fortune, were 
amongst its first victims. To this mode of revenge, 
Tiberius was instigated chiefly by the counsels of Sejanus, 
a Roman knight, who had insinuated himself into the 
confidence of the Emperor, by ministering to his criminal 
pleasures, and executing his most atrocious designs. 
This artful courtier, perceiving the natural indolence of 
Tiberius, undertook the sole management of all public 
affairs, and prevailed upon his imperial master to retire 
from Rome, and give himself up to the indulgence of his 
vilest appetites. The place to which he first retreated 
was the luxurious province of Campania, but afterwards, 
the island of Capreae, situate in the Mediterranean, near 
the coast of Naples. Here, secluded from the intrusions 











f 


ESSAY III. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 255 

of business, and surrounded alone by infamous and de¬ 
praved characters, this wretched old man spent his days 
and nights in a ceaseless round of the most loathsome 
debaucheries. 

In the mean time, Sejanus availed himself of the Em¬ 
peror’s name and authority, to cut off many of the sena¬ 
tors, and principal citizens. Bloated with pride and 
self-importance, this royal favourite now formed the 
daring project of destroying all the presumptive heirs to 
the crown, and finally the tyrant himself, in order that 
the imperial diadem might encircle his own brow. He 
proceeded so far towards the accomplishment of his 
design, as to take off Drusus, the only son of Tiberius, 
by poison, and starve to death Nero and Drusus, the two 
elder sons of Germanicus; Caligula alone being spared 
on account of his extreme youth. The last stroke was 
just about to be put to this iniquitous scheme, by the 
assassination of the Emperor at CapreaB, when an intima¬ 
tion of the conspiracy was privately given to Tiberius ? 
who instructed the senate by letter to put Sejanus to 
death; a command which was instantly complied with, 
from motives of private resentment, rather than attach¬ 
ment to the sovereign. The body of the late minister 
was dragged through the streets of the city by an en¬ 
raged populace, and, after being literally torn in pieces, 
was thrown into the Tiber. 

The detection of this conspiracy served but to increase 
the suspicion and heighten the cruelty of Tiberius. From 
this period his avarice became more insatiable; his pro¬ 
fligacy and barbarity far exceeded all former bounds; 
all his subjects were considered and treated as enemies, 
whom he delighted to torture on the slightest grounds, 
and frequently for his gratification alone. Yet so degraded 
was the Roman character, that amidst all his excesses lie 
was flattered in the most extravagant terms; temples 
were dedicated to him as a subordinate deity; his statues 
were erected not in Rome only, blit in the distant pro¬ 
vinces of the empire. Amongst other governors, who 
presented this homage to the tyrant whom they hated, 
Pilate, the governor of Judaea, distinguished himself by 
an attempt to set up the statue of Tiberius at Jerusalem; 



256 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


but so averse was llie whole nation of the Jews from this 
species of idolatry, that they ceased not from insur¬ 
rections and tumults, till the imperial image was removed 
to Caesarea. 

Whilst the Tyrant of Rome was “ running to every 
excess of riot,” in the island of Capreae, and the metro¬ 
polis of the empire was thus grievously oppressed by his 
cruelties and extortions, a train of miracles were taking 1 
place in one of its distant provinces, which could sc rcely 
be unknown at Rome; but which, if known, excited 
little or no attention. It was during the reign of Tibe¬ 
rius, that our Lord and Say iouu Jesus Christ exer¬ 
cised his public ministry in Judaea and Galilee; and 
those miraculous events transpired, recorded by the Evan¬ 
gelists in Sacred History, by which the most convincing 
demonstration was given of his divine nature and mission. 
These miracles were wrought beneath the eye both of 
Pilate and Herod, the one of whom presided over the 
province of Judaea, and the other, that of Galilee. Yet 
so little were these princes of the Gentiles affected by the 
facts that came under their observation, that they con¬ 
spired with the Jewish Sanhedrim to put him to death. 
Whether a knowledge of the suspicious temper of Tibe¬ 
rius, and an apprehension that it would be reported to 
him by some spy on their proceedings, that u a pre¬ 
tender to the crown of Judaea had been spared;” or 
whether the desire of increasing their popularity amongst 
the Jews, most prevailed with these Roman Governors, 
it is not necessary to determine. It is however certain, 
that Pilate, at least, was convinced of the innocence of 
Jesus, and publicly avowed that conviction, at the 
moment in which he condemned him to suffer the igno¬ 
minious death of the cross. On the authority of one of 
the earliest Fathers, it is stated, that Pilate wrote to 
Tiberius an account of the principal circumsta ces at¬ 
tending the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ; 
adding, that “ the number of his disciples daily in 
creased, and that he was worshipped by them as a god.” 
Upon which information, Tiberius is said to have founded 
an application to the Senate, that the name of Christ 
might be enrolled amongst the gods of Rome; witk 




ESSAY III. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 2,37 

which, it is said, they refused to comply, and accom¬ 
panied their refusal, with an order to all Christians im¬ 
mediately to leave the city. Whether this statement 
'which is contained in one of the celebrated apologies of 
Tertullian, and does not appear to have been disproved 
by any of his heathen adversaries, is fully deserving of 
credit, must be left to the judgment of every discerning 
reader.* * 

Scarcely can we endure to make an immediate tran¬ 
sition from a theme so awfully sublime as that of the 
crucifixion and resurrection of the Incarnate Son of ^ 
God, to contemplate the miserable end of the guilty 
tyrant, who still continued his licentious revels, though 
in the seventy-eighth year of his age, in the island of 
Capreae. A dissembler to the last, he pretended to be iii 
perfect health, when it was perceived by his attendants, 
that his death was near. He nominated Caligula, the 
only surviving son of Germanicus, as his successor, and 
expired with the impious prayer upon his lips, which he 
had often repeated, (hat “ heaven and earth might 
perish with him.” The tidings of his death occasioned 
the most rapturous demonstrations of joy throughout 
the empire. His name and memory were now execrated 
by those who had lately set up bis statues, and professed 
a willingness to pay him divine honours. 

Never did a Prince ascend a throne under more gra- 
tifying circumstances, than those in which Caligula com¬ 
menced his public career. He was in the prime of youth, 
endeared to his subjects by the glory of his ancestors, 
and still more by the virtues of his parents, Germanicus 
and Agrippina, both of whom had fallen sacrifices to the 
cruel jealousy of Tiberius. He was called to occupy a 
throne, which had just been vacated by one of the vilest 
of mankind, who had gone down to the grave laden with 
the curses of his oppressed subjects. His youth had bten 
hopeful, and it was conceived that the instructions and 


* It may be remarked in this place, that Pilate was recalled 
from Judaea, and banished into GauL, in the beginning ol the 
following reign; where he became a prey to melancholy, and at 
length committed suicide. 




258 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


example of his excellent mother, who had devoted herself 
to the education of her children, could not fail to have 
produced the happiest moral effects. The joy of the 
people was unbounded at the accession of this monarch 
to the throne; public sacrifices were decreed in every 
part of the empire, as expressions of gratitude to the 
gods of Rome for having favoured them with such a 
prince; and every title of dignity, which either affection 
or flattery could devise, was lavished on him. His first 
public nets corresponded with these elevated expecta¬ 
tions. He repaired to the isles of Pandataria and Pontia, 
whence he brought home with great pomp the ashes of 
his mother and brethren, who had died in exile. He 
publicly burnt all the records that related to the accusa¬ 
tion and sufferings of his relatives, first solemnly declaring, 
that be had not read their contents. Many public abuses 
were corrected, and many licentious characters banished 
from the city. But soon, very soon was the public joy 
turned into mourning and lamentation ! A complete 
reverse of character and conduct took place—a re¬ 
verse of so extravagant and almost incredible a nature, 
that it can be accounted for on no other principle 
than that of mental derangement. He became vicious 
and cruel beyond all conception; but his cruelty and 
vice did not so much resemble the dark and deliberate 
villainy of Tiberius, as the destructive rage of a maniac, 
who scatters abroad fire-brands, arrows, and death, and 
exclaims, 44 Am not I in sport ?” To detail the principal 
events of his short but mischievous reign would there¬ 
fore be, to write the disgusting annals of a lascivious 
madman and a malignant fury. A few of the lesser 
enormities and follies of his administration, selected 
without a particular regard to the order of time, from 
many others too loathsome to be repeated, will more 
than suffice. 

The extravagant folly of Caligula, in assuming the 
titles of the gods and goddesses then worshipped in 
Home ; now requiring to be adored as Jupiter, Mars, or 
Apollo ; and now as Juno, Venus, or Minerva ; in having 
temples and altars dedicated to him, and priests appointed 
from amongst the principal senators to offer daily sacri- 


ESSAY 111. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 259 

fices upon those altars; in imitating the thunder of 
Jupiter, and boldly defying him to arms—all these can 
now be contemplated but as the flights of a disordered 
imagination, and would rather provoke a smile, than 
severe censure. But when we read of his excessive pro¬ 
digality, his wanton and indiscriminate barbarity, and 
his worse than brutal sensuality, we are filled with 
horror and detestation of his unparalleled crimes. If he 
had been satisfied with constructing for his favourite 
horse a stable of marble, and a manger of ivory; with 
feeding it at his own table with gilded oats, and causing 
it to drink wine out of a golden cup; or even, with 
fulfilling his intention of making it a consul; succeeding 
ages would have ridiculed, but not execrated his memory. 
But when we are informed, that lie murdered some of 
his subjects because they presumed to be more beautiful 
than himself; that in celebration of the erection of a 
bridge at PuteoJi, he caused several ships laden with 
spectators to be sunk; that he committed incest with bis 
own sisters; and replenished his exhausted treasury from 
the wages of prostitution; words are inadequate to ex¬ 
press our abhorrence of his odious crimes. Two memo¬ 
rable expressions used by him, characterize more exactly 
than any recital of facts can do, the brutal ferocity of 
his temper. When looking with evident complacency 
on some unhappy wretches, who were put to death by 
lingering tortures, he turned to his attendants, and with 
an hideous smile, expressed his satisfaction, that u they 
felt themselves dying.” On another occasion, lie ex¬ 
pressed a wish, that u all the Roman people had but one 
neck, that lie might dispatch them at a blow.” It can 
excite no surprise that such a monster was soon cut off. 
A conspiracy was formed amongst some of his officers, 
who had received repeated insul(s from him, at the head 
of which, was Cheraea, a tribune of the praetorian guards; 
by whom he was assassinated in his own palace in the 
twenty-ninth year of his age. The character which 
Seneca has given of him, was just though severe; 
u Nature seems to have produced Caligula,” said that 
philosopher, “ that it might appear what miseries can 


560 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK ITT. 


result from the greatest degree of vice, when armed with 
the most despotic authority.” 

Tacit. Annul, lib. I—6. Sueton. in vit. Tiber, et Calig. Dion, 
et Senec. Oper. &c. 


REFLECTIONS. 

t ' v 

The preceding facts prove that the best example will 
not of itself produce a virtuous character. Tiberius was 
brought up, and introduced into the government, under 
the eye of Augustus; of whose example he could not 
therefore be ignorant, and whose instructions must have 
been frequently repeated. Yet lie was so far from pro- 
fiting by this excellent model of a humane and generous 
prince, that he became the exact reverse of his illustrious 
predecessor; a degraded sensualist, and an inhuman 
tyrant. Caligula too had, in early life, possessed the 
advantage of parental instructions, illustrated and en¬ 
forced by parental example. If lie were too young, 
when Gcrmanicus died, to have profited much by the 
personal instructions of his amiable and lamented father, 
there can be no doubt that it was the constant endeavour 
of Agrippina, his surviving parent, to set before her 
children the revered character, and mernor ble example 
of their deceased father, as a model for their imitation. 
Yet what a monster of depravity did Caligula become! 
Gteat is the torce, and powerful the influence of example 
in many instances; the effects which have frequently 
been produced by this moral instrument are such as 
to encourage its most vigorous application ; but yet 
the melancholy cases in which it has completely failed, 
are sufficient to prove that it cannot be depended 
upon as a means , and much less the cause of effecting 
a renovation of the heart, and a transformation of the 
whole character. 

To what a dreadful extreme of guilt and depravity 
are vicious characters capable of proceeding, and how 








ESSAY III. THE HISTORY OF ROME. S61 

rapid is their progress, when they give themselves lip to 
the unrestrained indulgence of their appetites, and be¬ 
come the willing slaves of sensual passions ! u They fear 
not God, neither do they regard man.” The restraints 
of decency, the bonds of social order, the checks of 
conscience, and the obligation of laws, both human and 
divine, are rent asunder by them with as much ease, and 
as little remorse, as Samson broke the green withs with 
which he had been bound by the lords of the Philistines. 
But can such wicked devices, such hardened impiety, 
finally prosper? Though for a time the artifices of a 
Tiberius may prevail against the unsuspecting integrity 
of a Germanicus—though vice may seem to gain a 
temporary ascendancy over virtue—yet the end will dis¬ 
cover, that “ instruments of death are prepared for the 
wicked and the sharpest arrows of the Almighty or¬ 
dained against the persecutors.” It will eventually be 
found that the “ righteous Lord loveth righteousness, 
but that the wicked and him that loveth violence, his 
soul hateth.” ' N 

No scene can be imagined more deeply affecting 
than that of a hoary-headed sinner exhausting the last 
wretched remains of life in dissipation and sensuality. 
Who can endure to dwell upon the melancholy spectacle 
of u the poor old man,” (as Tiberius emphatically and 
justly styled himself in his letter to the Senate,) immured 
in the island of Caprem—a place rendered infamous by 
the crimes which were practised on its polluted shores— 
surrounded by crowds of loathsome debauchees, scarcely 
inferior to himself in profligacy and vice—with his aged 
tottering limbs joining in the giddy chace of sensual 
pleasure, and with a tremulous faltering voice incessantly 
pouring out horrid imprecations—till feared, despised, 
and hated by all, he sinks into the grave, followed 
by the curses of millions of his fellow-mortals! Who can 
forbear to admire that patience and long-suffering, which 
permitted this old transgressor, not only to run his guilty 
round of threescore years and ten, but almost to com¬ 
plete a criminal course of fourscore years, before the 
measure of his iniquities was full? Or who can wonder 
that such a character should dread the thought of an 




262 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


hereafter, and vainly wish that universal nature might 
be involved with himself in one common ruin ? 

It was in this period of abounding iniquity, that 
in the ineffable wisdom and goodness of God, the “ mys¬ 
tery which had been hidden from former ages and 
generations was made manifest,” in the life and death of 
Jesus Christ. At a moment, in which human de¬ 
pravity seemed to have exceeded all former bounds; and 
when vice, like a desolating torrent, had risen far above 
its ordinary level; it pleased God, that an expiation 
should be made for human guilt, in the person and by 
the sufferings of his equal Son. Then, when it might 
have been expected, that a horrible tempest of tire and 
brimstone would have been poured out upon a polluted 
empire and its abandoned monarch, divine mercy was 
signally displayed in making an effectual provision not 
only for the remission of the sins which were then com¬ 
mitted, but for those of every class of sinners, in every 
period of time, and in every part of the world. Thus 
44 where sin abounded, grace has much more abounded.'’ 
But how inexcusable was the unbelief, and how just will 
be the final condemnation of those, who were the eve- 
witnesses of the miracles, which attended the life, death, 
and resurrection of Jesus Christ, without being con¬ 
vinced by them, that he was the Son of God; or, if 
convinced, without acting up to that conviction, by 
confessing him before men ! Ah ! how happy had it been 
for Pilate, if instead of proposing that Christ, of whose 
miracles he had heard so many things, and of whose 
innocence lie was so fully convinced, should be enrolled 
amongst the gods of Rome, he had been led by what he 
had seen and heard, to renounce those idol gods for 
ever; if he had embraced that Jesus who had suffered 
on the cross, as the u true God and eternal life;” and 
even if he had died as a martyr to the Christian faith ! 
Let it not however be forgotten by us, that attested 
as those miracles have been by a cloud of credible wit¬ 
nesses, and convinced as we must be, if we examine into 
the evidences of our holy religion, of its truth and divine 
authority ; our guilt is not less, nor will our future con¬ 
demnation and punishment be more tolerable, if we 


ESSAY IV. THE HISTORY OF HOME. 263 

disobey the gospel of Christ, than that of the murderers 
of the Son o! God themselves. 

It is gratifying to observe how widely the Christian 
religion had spread in a very few years after the death 
of Christ. If the decree of the Senate, which has been 
alluded to, was issued towards the end of the reign 
of Tiberius, commanding all Christians to leave the city 
of Rome, it proves not only that the Gospel of Christ 
had already reached the metropolis, but that it had 
made so many converts, and those converts were so well 
known, as to excite the jealousy of the existing govern¬ 
ment. If this fact be entitled to our credit, (and there 
seems no reasonable ground to withhold that credit,) it 
affords a striking comment on the testimony of the Sacred 
Historian, “So mightily grew the word of the Lord, 
and prevailed.” 


ESSAY IY. 

On Claudius and Nero, 
from A. D. 42—69. 

If the Romans had been really desirous of restoring 
the Commonwealth, and recovering their ancient liberties, 
no opportunity could have been more favourable, than 
that which the death of Caligula presented. No succes¬ 
sor had been appointed by (hat frantic tyrant: all who 
possessed any natural el liras to the Imp rial Crown had 
been destroyed at different periods, Claudius atone ex¬ 
cepted, whose stupidity of’ mind and insignificance of 
character sheltered him from suspicion and jealousy; 
and he concealed himself, as soon as he was informed of 
the Emperor’s death, from an apprehension of sharing 
his fate. Cheraea, and his associates, had also fled, after 
the accomplishment of their design, leaving the city a 
prey fo anarchy and violence. The Praetorian arulr 
German guards availed themselves of the unsettled state 




264 


STUDIES IN HISTORY* 


BOOK III. 


of the empire, <o commit every species of depredation, 
and made the murder of the tyrant a pretext for promis¬ 
cuous rapine, extortion, and carnage. In the midst 
of this public confusion, the Senate assembled ; some of 
the senators ventured to declaim in favour of liberty and 
against tyrants ; some were even proceeding so far as to 
propose the immediate abolition of the imperial govern¬ 
ment—when their deliberations were abruptly terminated 
by the intelligence, that Claudius had been discovered by 
the praetorian guards, who had saluted him Emperor, 
and borne him in triumph to the camp. The fickle 
populace, in expectation of the gratuities and shows, 
which usually attended the election of a new sovereign, 
joined in the acclamations, and re-conducted Claudius 
from the camp to the city. The senators in the mean 
time, finding resistance vain, and possessing little energy 
of character, hastened to augment the train of flatterers, 
and present their servile homage to the man whom they 
despised and hated. 

The reign of this contemptible monarch, which lasted 
about thirteen years, is scarcely deserving of notice; 
inasmuch as it exhibits nothing but a series of unjust 
and atrocious deeds, the guilt of which belonged rather 
to those advisers by whom he suffered himself to be 
governed, than to himself. One public enterprise alone 
distinguished his administration, and occupied the w hole 
of his reign. This was the conquest of Britain, under¬ 
taken by himself in person, but completed after several 
years’ struggle by his more able and successful generals. 
The Britons had hitherto been rather nominally than 
really a conquered people; but now a considerable 
Homan army, with great reluctance, passed over from 
Gaul; and subdued first the Iceni, who inhabited the 
interior of the island ; and then the Brigantes, who oc¬ 
cupied its northern provinces : and pursuing their victo¬ 
rious career, at length penetrated as tar as South Wales, 
where they terminated the war by the capture of 
Caractacus, the British general, most celebrated for his 
valour and heroism. This intrepid warrior was con¬ 
ducted with many other distinguished captives to Rome;' 
but, though conquered, his spirit remained unbroken. 


ESSAY IV. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 265 

With a dignity that astonished the Emperor and his 
courtiers, he pleaded his own cause and that of his sub¬ 
jugated country; and pleaded so forcibly, that he ex¬ 
torted a pardon for himself and his fellow-captives, 
from one of the most unfeeling and degraded of human 
beings.* 

The principal authors of the calamities which visited 
Rome at this period, were Messalina and Agrippina, the 
two wives of Claudius, than whom no characters more 
depraved and infamous can be imagined. The former 
of these, after having incited the Emperor to a thousand 
acts of cruelty and injustice, and long practised the most 
horrible and disgusting crimes in public, completed the 
measure of her guilt, by openly marrying, during her 
husband’s absence, C. Silius, a Roman youth to whom 
she was passionately attached. Roused from his accus¬ 
tomed apathy by this daring and perfidious act, Claudius 
took measures for the seizure and execution of Messalina, 
and her adulterous associate, at the moment in which 
they had projected, and were on the point of accom¬ 
plishing his death. Agrippina, the latter of his wives, 
who was sister to Caligula, and his own niece, was 
scarcely inferior to her predecessor in profligacy of man¬ 
ners, and far surpassed her in ambition. The great 
object which she constantly kept in sight, and to which 
all her efforts were directed, was the elevation of her 
son Nero, whom she prevailed upon Claudius to adopt 
and nominate as his successor, in preference to his own 
son Britannicus. Raving thus secured ? the succession in 
favour of her son, she determined to finish her ambitious 
project, by removing the only obstacle to his imme¬ 
diate promotion. A dose of poison was administered 
to Claudius by her orders, which proving too slow 
in its operation, was aided by a poisoned feather, 
thrust down the throat of the unhappy monarch by 
his own physician, whom the Empress had bribed for 
that purpose. , 

Amongst the tragical events of this reign, there is one 


# Hist, of Eng. Book I. Essay 3. 

N 






STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


266 


■which deserves particular notice, as affording an interest- 
* ing example of conjugal fidelity and affection. Caecina 
Petus was accused to the Emperor, or rather to his 
wife, of having been concerned in the revolt of Camillus, 
who had made an unsuccessful attempt at wresting the 
sceptre from the unworthy hands in which it was placed, 
by stirring up an insurrection in Dalmatia. Orders 
were sent to apprehend Petus and bring him to Rome. 
His affectionate wife Arria, earnestly solicited permission 
to attend him, but was refused. She therefore hired 
a small vessel, in which she embarked at the same time 
with her husband, and accompanied him on his voyage. 
During the imprisonment of Petus, his only son, to whom 
he was ardently attached, died of a fever ; but his death 
was carefully concealed by Arria from the knowledge of 
her husband. On being interrogated by him concerning 
the heaitli of their son, she calmly replied, u lie is at 
rest,” and instantly rushed out of the dungeon to give 
vent to a flood of tears. According to the frequent prac¬ 
tice of those times, orders were sent to Petus to put 
himself to death without delay; Arria, perceiving that 
he was irresolute, and rightly conjecturing that his 
reluctance to execute the imperial mandate chiefly arose 
from his ardent affection for herself, took a portiard, 
which she first plunged into her own bosom, and then 
presented it with a smile to her husband, saying, “ It 
gives me no pain, my Petus.” This was more than suf¬ 
ficient to conquer his irresolution, and induce him to 
imitate so heroic an example. 

Notwithstanding the cruelties of this and the two 
preceding reigns, it appears from the statement of Taci¬ 
tus, that the population of Rome at this time far exceeded 
all former limits; for, by a census taken a short time 
before the death of Claudius, it was found that the 
citizens amounted to nearly seven millions. If therefore 
the prosperity of the empire were to be estimated alone 
by the number of its subjects, or the extent of its terri¬ 
tory, it might be concluded that never was Rome more 
prosperous than under the government of Caligula and 
Claudius; but it its strength and prosperity depended 
Bpon the wisdom of its rulers and the virtue of its 


ESSAY IV. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


267 


inhabitants, the only inference which can be drawn is the 
exact reverse of the preceding conclusion ; for, upon this 
principle Rome was never more degraded, or verged 
more rapidly towards destruction, than at this melan¬ 
choly period of her history. 

Nero was scarcely seventeen years of age, when his 
ambitious mother Agrippina placed him on the imperial 
throne. Though inexperienced and wholly untried, as 
a public character, the highest hopes were entertained 
respecting his future administration. These expectations 
were chiefly founded on the wisdom, integrity, and high 
reputation of Seneca, to whom his education had been 
entrusted. That philosopher, who was a native of Spain, 
had been banished to the island of Corsica, through the 
influence of Messalina, but was afterwards recalled by 
Agrippina for the sole purpose of instructing her son in 
those several branches of learning, for which he was 
so justly celebrated. Seneca not only possessed con¬ 
siderable influence over the conduct of his royal pupil 
during his minority, but after he had ascended the 
throne, the moderation, clemency, and wisdom, that 
characterized the first years of Nero’s administration, are 
chiefly to be attributed to the continuance of that salutary 
and benign influence. During live years, the government 
of this juvenile Emperor was equal to that of the wisest 
and best of princes. Me professed to take the character 
of Augustus as his model in public and private life, 
whose institutions lie revived, and whose actions he stu¬ 
diously imitated. Rut after this period, a dreadful 
reverse took place ; his public character deteriorated so 
rapidly, that in a very short time, from having been one 
of the most promising, he became the most hateful and 
sanguinary of princes. The maxims of his excellent 
tutor were soon forgotten ; his influence was entirely lost; 
and his counsels no longer restrained the tyrant from the 
most flagrant vices. Grieved and disappointed, this 
venerable guide of his youth retired from the court, pur¬ 
posing to spend his few remaining days in literary 
retirement. Rut this was too great an indulgence. It ill 
accorded with the malignity of a tyrant, who had caused 
his own mother to be murdered, and had contemplated 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


268 


with pleasure the spectacle of her mangled and lifeless 
body, to suffer this aged philosopher to enjoy the repose 
which his elegant villa afforded, and the happiness of an 
endeared domestic circle. The malice and cruelty of 
Nero quickly followed him to his loved retreat, and tore 
him from the arms of his beloved Paulina. He died bv 
opening his veins, and about the same time, the poet 
Lucan was put to death in the same manner. 

A conspiracy, which was detected in Rome about 
this time, and was found to include many of the princi¬ 
pal citizens, furnished a pretext for these and many 
similar acts of cruelty. Some were induced by torture, 
not only to make a confession of their own guilt, but to 
enumerate others, who were entirely ignorant of the plot. 
Of these innocent sufferers, it is generally believed, both 
Seneca and Lucan were examples ; the manner and cir¬ 
cumstances of whose death were such as to excite an un¬ 
usual degree of attention. The latter died as a poet, 
repeating some lines of his Pharsalia , which exactly and 
beautifully represented his own situation. The former 
sat calmly conversing with his friends on literary and 
philosophical subjects, whilst life was exuding from every 
vein, and dictated discourses to his secretaries, which 
were read with the deepest interest after his decease. 
Paulina, his affectionate and devoted wife, earnestly soli¬ 
cited, and at length obtained his permission to have her 
veins opened at the same time: but when she fainted with 
the loss of blood, her domestics bound up the wounds, 
and thus preserved her from death. Yet though she 
survived her husband several years, it is said that the 
characters of grief were never erased from her counte¬ 
nance, nor would she consent to be clad in any other 
than mourning attire. 

The follies of Nero were no less extravagant than his 
cruelties. His vanity induced him to court the applause 
of the public on the stage, where he frequently performed, 
though wretchedly, yet with unbounded acclamations, 
as a singer and a musician. Not satisfied with the con¬ 
strained plaudits of the inhabitants of Rome at these dis¬ 
graceful exhibitions, he visited Naples in the character 
of an actor, and from thence proceeded to Greece, to 


ESSAY IV, 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


269 


contend for the prizes at the public games. So versed 
were the degenerate Greeks in all the arts of flattery, 
that they decreed him no less than eighteen hundred 
crowns, with which he returned in triumph to his capital. 
The public rejoicings occasioned by the Emperor’s 
return, after having obtained the prizes at the Olympic, 
Pythian and Nemaean games, (all of which, out of com¬ 
pliment to their illustrious visitor, were celebrated in the 
same year,) far exceeded in splendor, any which had 
greeted the most renowned generals after their most suc¬ 
cessful campaigns. . 

The reign of tiiis profligate Emperor w r as further dis¬ 
graced by the first general persecution of the Christians. 
The most severe measure which had previously been taken 
against them, was their expulsion from the city in the reigns 
both of Tiberius and Claudius. But now they ^became 
the unoffending objects of the most sanguinary rage of a 
merciless tyrant. After having amused himself with 
setting on fire tfie metropolis of his empire in several 
places, and thus occasioned the most destructive confla¬ 
gration, he basely attempted to avert from himself the 
infamy of the deed, by imputing it to this despised sect, 
A persecution followed, which continued to rage more 
than four years witli the utmost fury; during which 
period multitudes of Christians perished by excruciating 
tortures, and ignominious deaths. The Emperor’s gardens 
was the spot fixed upon for these savage entertainments ; 
in which, we are informed that many, clad in the skins of 
wild beasts, were torn in pieces by dogs; some, covered 
with wax and other inflammable materials, were set on 
fire by night, to illuminate the gardens and gratify the 
malice of the tyrant, who feasted his eyes upon the 
horrid spectacle; and others, amongst whom the apostle 
Peter has been generally included, were crucified in the 
streets of the city. The concurrent testimony of the most 
ancient ecclesiastical historians proves, that the apostle 
Paul was beheaded at Rome during this sanguinary 
reign, by the express order of the tyrant, who was enraged 
beyond measure at the discovery of several converts to 
Christianity, even in hjs own household. V 

The period now drew nigh, in which this imperial 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK in. 


270 


murderer was to be arrested in the midst of his career of 
blood, and summoned before a higher tribunal, from 
which there could be no appeal. A general insurrection 
broke out in all the provinces of the empire at almost the 
same instant. Vindex, the general of (he Roman army 
in Gaul; Galba, the governor of Spain ; and the legions 
in Germany, Africa, and several parts of Asia, with their 
respective commanders, at the same time erected (lie 
standard of revolt; determined to throw off'a yoke which 
had become intolerably oppressive, or perish in the 
attempt. Yet notwithstanding the formidable appearance 
of this insurrection, Nero remained still at Naples, im¬ 
mersed in sensuality and intemperance, and more intent 
upon exhibiting his new musical instruments, than on 
making preparations against the danger which threatened 
his person and government. The wildest schemes of 
revenge were projected by him, but happily he now 
wanted the power to execute them. He gradually per¬ 
ceived himself deserted by all his former flatterers, and 
the wretched instruments of his criminal pleasures. Vain 
were his attempts to engage the praetorian bands in his 
defence ; the greater part even of his domestics fled, and 
left him without the means either of defence or flight. 
On learning, however, that Galba, who had been made 
Emperor by the troops, had entered Rome in that charac¬ 
ter ; that the Senate had decreed his death, and dispatched 
persons to apprehend him, he was urged by his terrors to 
attempt an escape by night. Phaon, one of his freed- 
men, on whom he had formerly lavished favours, now 
offered to conduct his fallen master by a private track to 
bis country-house, at which the wretched tyrant had no 
sooner arrived, than it was occupied by a band of praeto¬ 
rian guards, whose orders were, at all events, to secure 
his person. Dreading similar cruelties from an enraged 
populace to those which he had frequently inflicted, he 
now determined to destroy himself; but was unable to 
resolve what instrument to employ for that purpose. At 
length, when the soldiers were breaking into his apart¬ 
ment, with a trembling hand, he presented the point of a 
dagger to his throat, which was pressed forward by one 
of his domestics, and inflicted a mortal wound. Thus 















ESSAY IV. 


the history of home. 


271 


ignominiously perished a tyrant, whose name has been 
deservedly branded with lasting infamy, in the thirty- 
second year of his life, and fourteenth of his reign. 


Tacit. Anna), lib. II—16. Sueton. in vit. Claud, et Neron, 
Diou. Cass. lib. 63, See. Oros. Euseb. See. 


REFLECTIONS. 

I'he character and reign of Claudius demonstrate, 
that great weakness is perfectly compatible with great 
wickedness. Splendid talents, and extraordinary natural 
or acquired endowments, are not necessary to qualify a 
person tor attaining a fatal pre-eminence in guilt. Des¬ 
titute of all these, he may, under the guidance of others, 
or by the impulse alone of his impetuous passions, 
become a tremendous scourge to mankind, and a hateful 
monster of iniquity. Despicable as were the talents, and 
insignificant the previous character of Claudius, no sooner 
was he advanced to the imperial dignity, than he rendered 
himself conspicuous by his crimes; in the number and 
heinousness of which, none who preceded or followed, 
seem to have surpassed him. The truth is, a sinful 
course is like gliding down a smooth and easy descent, 
in which neither skill nor strength is requisite to proceed 
with increasing rapidity to its extreme verge. “ One 
sinner,” and he, the most contemptible, may easily 
u destroy much good.” But to be eminently useful—to 
prove a public blessing—to climb the heights of piety 
and exemplary holiness—these arduous but noble objects 
of Christian ambition call for no ordinary measures of 
wisdom and strength from above; they require a vigor¬ 
ous as well as “ patient continuance in well-doing.” 

In the preceding facts, we see the female character in 
its most degraded, and in its loveliest form. The odious 
characters of Messalina and Agrippina form a striking but 
horrible reverse to the heroic examples of conjugal 
fidelity which the wives of Petus and Seneca presented. 
The two former have been justly branded with perpetual 


i 


272 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK III. 

infamy, as the most dissolute and abandoned of their sex 
*—the two latter have been deservedly classed with the 
most tender and affectionate of women—the most devoted 
and faithful of wives. The former disgraced their im¬ 
perial rank, and sank themselves by their vices beneath 
the vilest of their subjects—the latter adorned and dig¬ 
nified a comparatively lowly station, rendering it far 
more illustrious by their conjugal virtues, than it could 
possibly have been rendered by any accession of outward 
splendour. Vet even here it is necessary to qualify our 
praise, and restrain our admiration. The resolution not to 
outlive the endeared objects of their affection, and even 
to arm them with resolution by their own example, how¬ 
ever it may accord with the romantic feelings of a heathen 
or Christian enthusiast, will not endure the sober test of 
enlightened reason, or the yet higher and infallible cri¬ 
terion of divine Revelation. If the conduct of Arria or 
of Paulina were investigated by these standards, it would 
appear, that in attempting to render indissoluble, ties of 
a most endearing though subordinate nature, far more 
sacred and obligatory bonds were forcibly rent asunder; 
and that, while borne along by the laudable impulse of 
attachment to the creature, they were insensible to the 
higher claims of the divine Creator. 

How impenetrably mysterious do many of the dis¬ 
pensations of Divine Providence appear in the present 
life! flow difficult is it to reconcile some of the events 
that occur in the history both of empires and individuals 
with our imperfect and liifiited conceptions of the power 
and goodness of God ! Why was such a hateful monster 
as JSero permitted to exist? why so long spared? why 
suffered not only to imbrue his hands in his mother’s 
blood, who, vile as she was, had yet no ordinary claims 
upon his affection and gratitude—but also to shorten the 
days of the venerable guide of his youth, the virtuous 
Seneca—to terminate abruptly the zealous and faithful 
labours of the holy apostles Paul and Peter—and to cut 
off, by the flaming sword of persecution, many sainted 
martyrs, u of whom the world was not worthy?” Did 
we not know that there is a day of final retribution, when 
all the mysteries of Providence will be solved, and all the 



ESSAY V. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 273 

t 

apparent inequalities of the divine government, fully 
vindicated before an assembled work!; it would appear 
strange and incredible that atrocities like these should be 
permitted within the dominions of the Righteous Sove¬ 
reign of the Universe, whose will none can controul, and 
whose power none can effectually resist. But assuredly 
the great day will declare it : then will it distinctly 
appear, not only that all these events took place by the 
permission of Him, u who is wonderful in counsel, and 
excellent in working,” but that, from these apparent 
evils, were educed the best and happiest results. It 
will be found that tyrants, like Nero, were but the u rod 
of his indignation” by which he saw fit to punish his ad¬ 
versaries, and dash them in pieces as a potter’s vessel— 
that the fury of these oppressors, like a refiner’s fire, 
served but to purify the Church of Christ—that the 
rough blasts of adversity were intended to scatter more 
widely the seeds of divine truth, and produce in future 
ages an abundant harvest from every quarter of the globe 
—and, finally, that the rage and cruelty of such perse¬ 
cutors as Nero, were but like chariots and horses of fire, 
which transported the apostles and martyrs of Jesus 
Christ to the realms of light and immortality, where 
they were put into the immediate possession of their 
promised crown of glory. And if ends like these are 
answered, who shall presume to arraign the wisdom or 
goodness of the Supreme Governor, or say with pre¬ 
sumptuous impiety to the Ruler of Nations, 6( What 
doest thou ?” 


ESSAY Y. 

On Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian, 
from A. D. 69—79. 

The revolution, which occasioned the death of Nero, 
did not terminate with that event. The Roman armies 

N 5 


i 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK Ilf. 


274 


stationed in the most distant provinces began to feel their 
importance, and became fully sensible of the command¬ 
ing influence they possessed in the state, whenever they 
chose to exert it. Each of the armies had its favourite 
commander, who was elevated to the imperial dignity, 
and forced upon the Senate and people of Rome, by the 
troops whom he commanded. Thus, in little more than 
twelve months, there were three Roman general.?, who 
successively occupied the throne; all of whom were 
displaced in their turn by more successful candidates. 
As the respective reigns of these short-lived Emperors 
were remarkable for nothing but an ineffectual struggle 
to preserve the power which they had justly acquired, it 
will not be necessary to enter minutely into the character 
and history of their administrations. 

The first of these was Sergius Galba, a general 
highly esteemed, not only by his own troops, but through¬ 
out the empire, for his wisdom and valour; who was 
seventy-two years of age, when he was called from the 
government of Spain to wear the imperial diadem. But 
the capricious legions which had contributed to his pro¬ 
motion, almost immediately repented of their choice; 
especially when they found him disposed to restore 
military discipline; and restrain the excesses which were 
now commonly practised throughout the army. The 
transition was too rapid for the existing state of society, 
from long indulged dissipation and luxury, to the severity 
and rigour with which Galba attempted to repress these 
irregularities. His economy was ridiculed as avarice ; 
and his respect to the laws, as proofs of imbecility and 
weakness. The venal conduct of his three favourite 
ministers, by whom he suffered himself to be governed, 
completed the alienation of the troops, and prepared 
them for revolt ; at this crisis Otho, one of his principal 
officers, who had hitherto appeared warmly attached to 
his interest, perceiving the general disaffection, addressed 
the soldiers under his command in an inflammatory 
speech, so suited to their taste, that fhey immediately 
rewarded him, by declaring him Emperor. This daring 
but successful measure was quickly followed by the 
death of Galba, who was murdered in the forum by a 












ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


275 


troop of soldiers sent from the camp for that purpose, 
after a reign of scarcely seven months. 

Otho ascended the throne through the influence of 
the praetorian guards, who now began to assume to them¬ 
selves the right of imposing a sovereign upon their fel¬ 
low-citizens. He had been a favourite of Nero, and was 
frequently entrusted by him with the most important, and 
sometimes the most infamous commissions. Educated in 
such a school, he was not likely to be a severe moralist, 
or a rigid disciplinarian; nor is it improbable, that 
chiefly on this account, he was acceptable to the soldiers 
who elected him. Scarcely had he grasped the imperial 
sceptre, when the unpleasant tidings reached his ear, 
that the legions in Germany, conceiving themselves 
as well qualified to elect a sovereign as the rest of their 
brethren in arms, had proclaimed Vitellius Emperor. 
Each party appealed to the sword; the armies engaged 
in this controversy on either side were numerous, and 
nearly equal; several battles were fought with doubtful 
success ; but, in the end, the veteran legions of Vitellius 
prevailed, and Otho's army was completely routed. 
After this decisive engagement, Otho collected his prin¬ 
cipal officers, and in a valedictory address, advised them 
to submit to Vitellius; but, for himself, he expressed his 
fixed determination to sacrifice his life for the welfare and 
peace of the empire. In the following night this resolu¬ 
tion was carried into effect; for, after having dismissed 
ail his attendants, he took a dagger, plunged it into 
his side, and expired; thus terminating, by what was 
deemed an heroic act, a tumultuous and unsettled reign 
of little more than three months. 

Vitellius was at a distance from his army when he 
received intelligence of the complete victory obtained 
by his generals. He hastened to the field of battle, 
feasted his eyes upon the putrid carcasses of his slaugh¬ 
tered enemies, and evinced the most savage exultation 
when Otho’s head was brought to him by his soldiers. 
The habits of this general had long been sensual in the 
extreme ; his disposition was well known to be ferocious 
and brutal; and his whole character contemptible; yet 
so abject was the present condition of the Homan Senate^ 


276 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK 111. 

\ 

and so entirely dependant upon the caprice of the le¬ 
gionary forces of the empire, that as soon as certain 
information was received of the defeat and death of Otho, 
with one consent they proclaimed Vitellius Emperor; 
and vied with each other in the earliest and most extra¬ 
vagant expressions of homage. Vet notwithstanding 
their obsequious flatteries, the new Emperor and his 
troops hastened to the capital, and entered it in battle 
array, as if it had been a conquered city given up to 
plunder. Many cruelties were practised, and many de¬ 
predations committed by his licentious troops, before 
order and tranquillity could be restored; and these horrors 
of war were succeeded by a still more destructive series 
of gluttonous festivals and loathsome debaucheries, the 
disgusting records of which exceed all credibility. 

Whilst Vit* llius was exhausting his revenue, and ren¬ 
dering himself odious by his prodigality and gluttony, 
the Roman legions in the Eastern provinces of the em¬ 
pire had, with one consent, invested Vespasian with the 
imperial purple. That general had acquired great re¬ 
putation by his successes in Britain, during the reigns of 
Claudius and Nero ; and subsequently by his repeated 
victories over the Jews, who had revolted from the 
Romans, and were resolved to regain their independence, 
or perish in the attempt. He was now sixty years of 
age, and felt, or professed to feel, an extreme reluctance 
to embark at so advanced a period of life in so hazardous 
an enterprise. But the demands of the troops in Egypt, 
Judaea, Syria, and Achaia, were so pressing that lie could 
no longer resist. As soon as it was known throughout 
the empire, that V espasian had been chosen Emperor, 
almost every province declared for him, and manifested 
the warmest zeal in his service. It was with extreme 
difficulty that Vitellius could be induced to believe that 
so general a revolt had taken place, or to make.prepara¬ 
tion for a civil war, which was now inevitable. At length, 
two of his best generals took the field at the head of the 
legions, which still remained faithful to their oath of 
allegiance, and waited the arrival of Vespasian’s lieu¬ 
tenant, who was rapidly advancing towards Italy. The 
defection of the adherents of Vitellius, and the valour of 




ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


277 


those of Vespasian, soon terminated the contest. The 
most sanguinary part of the proceedings took place within 
the walls of Rome, where the partisans of the two imperial 
rivals fought with the utmost fury, and filled the streets 
with the bodies of slaughtered citizens. Amidst this 
carnage and confusion, some of the soldiers of V itellius 
set lire to the Capitol, in which a small number of 
Vespasian’s followers had taken shelter, and quickly 
reduced that beautiful edifice to a mass ol ruins. 

The end of the wretched Y r itellius was as miserable, 
ns his life and reign had been disgraceful. A parly of 
Vespasian’s soldiers discovered him in an obscure corner 
of the imperial palace, who, after having fastened his 
hands behind him, and fixed the point of a sword under 
his chin, to prevent him from concealing his face, drew 
him, half naked, to the forum, where, amidst many gross 
indignities, Iris pampered and unwieldy body was pierced 
with many wounds. Thence it was ignominiously 
dragged through the streets of the city by an indignant 
populace, who had lately witnessed witli disgust his 
worse than brutal sensuality, and cast into the Tiber. 

Vespasian was now declared Emperor both by the 
senate and army ; but did not immediately visit Home, 
either on account of the unsettled state of the empire, and 
the probability of some new rival entering the lists, or 
because of the unfinished state of the Jewish war, in 
which he had been several years engaged. In the fol¬ 
lowing spring, however, he committed this arduous en¬ 
terprise to his son Titus, and repaired to the capital of 
his empire, where he was received with unbounded joy. 
This joy had in many former instances proved fallacious; 
but in the present, it was but the prelude to a mild and 
prosperous reign, which shone with brighter lustre, on 
account of the dark and tempestuous night of horror by 
which it had been preceded. 

As the war with the Jews forms the most prominent 
feature of Vespasian’s reign, and was so manifest a fulfil¬ 
ment of prophecy, the subsequent part of this essay will 
be chiefly devoted to the narration of its principal 
events. 

This memorable and disastrous war began in the 


278 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK III. 


twelfth year of Nero’s reign. The arbitrary conduct of 
some of the Roman governors stationed in Judaea, and 
tiie licentious proceedings of the troops under their com¬ 
mand, were the apparent causes of tin* rebellion. Rut 
the real cause was, the spirit of discord and faction which 
prevailed amongst them, and prompted them first to mur¬ 
der each other, and then to provoke the vengeance of the 
Romans. The first general, who was sent with an army 
to reduce them to subjection, was Cestius Gallus, who 
was soon obliged to retreat with considerable loss.— 
Vespasian was next appointed to this service, as the 
ablest of the Roman generals then living; who collected 
a powerful army from the adjacent provinces, which he 
suddenly poured into Galilee, and with which fora time 
he bore down all opposition. The cities of Gadara, Jota- 
pata, Tiberias, Tarichsea, and Giscala, were successively 
taken by storm, after having been most obstinately de¬ 
fended by the Jews, and deluged with a tremendous 
slaughter. One of these fortresses was commanded by 
Josephus the historian, who continued to defend the 
post which had been assigned him to the last moment, 
but was at length compelled to surrender, and was treated 
with the utmost kindness by Vespasian and Titus. The 
capture of these fortified cities placed the whole of Ga¬ 
lilee in the hands of the Romans, who were about to 
proceed to the invasion of Judaea, when the death of 
Nero, and the consequent disorders of the state, pre¬ 
vented further operations against the Jews, and encou¬ 
raged that infatuated people to persist in their desperate 
revolt. 

Instead, however, of availing themselves of the respite 
afforded them by the departure of Vespasian and Titus 
into Egypt, to concentrate their forces, and garrison 
their fortified towns, this wretched people became worse 
enemies to themselves than the Roman legions had been. 
The whole country was filled With banditti, who com¬ 
mitted the most dreadful atrocities and murders. The 
principal cities, and especially Jerusalem, were torn by 
factions, whose leaders, under a pretence of religious 
zeal, incited their followers to carnage and plunder, and 
armed citizens and brethren against each other. 



I 


ESSAY V. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 279 

The three principal factions within the metropolis of 
Judaea, were headed by Simon of Gerasa, John of 
Geschala, and Eleazer the leader of the zealots. One of 
these parties occupied the temple, and polluted it with 
torrents of human blood ; the two others stationed them¬ 
selves in different parts of the city. Conflicts daily took 
place between these hostile factions, in which multitudes 
perished, and many of those provisions which had been 
laid up in granaries against the approaching siege wi re 
consumed by fire. To this circumstance is principally 
ascribed, the dreadful famine, to which they were after¬ 
wards exposed, the horrors of which exceeded all their 
former sufferings. 

Such was the distracted state of this once peaceful 
and favoured city, when Titus invested its walls with a 
Roman army. Never was there a general who laboured 
more constantly and diligently to soften the rigours of 
war, and to save his enemies from ruin ; yet never was 
there a siege attended with circumstances of deeper 
misery and more heart-rending distress. The most 
pressing overtures were repeatedly made to the infatuated 
inhabitants of this guilty city, by the compassionate 
chiefs who wept over their sufferings, and even conde¬ 
scended to implore a reconciliation. Yet so bent were 
they on their destruction, that every overture was re¬ 
jected with the utmost scorn ; internal faction raged as 
violently as before, though famine and pestilence daily 
swept away thousands of miserable victims. The obdu¬ 
racy of the besieged at length seems to have roused to 
indignation and excited to revenge even the benevolent 
Titus himself; for, it is stated, that during this protracted 
siege, so many of the Jews were taken and crucified 
without the walls of their city, that neither space nor 
materials could be found for the crosses of the unhappy 
sufferers. After many unsuccessful attempts, and the 
frequent destruction of his machinery, a practicable 
breach was at length effected by the army of Titus, and 
the castle of Antonia taken, which commanded the 
greater part of the city. And now the humane con¬ 
queror again paused to offer terms of accommodation, 





280 


STUDIES IN HISTORY.- 


BOOK III. 


and, if possible, to save the city and temple from 
desolation. 

Bnt these, as well as former pacific overtures, were 
contemptuously rejected by the famished inhabitants ot 
the city, who mistook the clemency*and humanity of the 
Roman general for cowardice. Irritated by their scornful 
treatment of his ambassadors, he now determined to carry 
on the siege with the utmost vigour. A wall was built by 
his troops, which completely encircled the city, and by 
cutting off ail supplies, involved the inhabitants in the 
utmost distress; insomuch that mothers were reduced to 
the dreadful necessity of protracting a wretched existence, 
by feeding upon their infant offspring. Yet even these 
extreme sufferings did not abate the violence of internal 
dissension; for John and Simon still continued, amidst 
all the ravages of pestilence and famine, to assist the 
common enemy, by destroying their fellow-citizens. The 
command was at length given by Titus to his soldiers to 
set fire to the gates of the city, which was taken by storm, 
and afterwards given up to plunder. Amidst the general 
contusion, a flaming torch was thrown by a private sol¬ 
dier info the temple, which was quickly reduced to ashes, 
notwithstanding every effort on the part of the besieging 
army to extinguish the flames. 

Hitherto the Jews had buoyed themselves up in a 
presumptuous expectation that they should be preserved 
by some special interposition of Divine Providence in their 
favour. But now that their temple was in ruins, they 
considered themselves deserted of God, and resigned 
themselves to all the anguish of despair. They now 
became the easy prey of the Romans, who rased the 
city and temple to their foundations, and carried into 
captivity all those who had survived the horrors of the 
siege. It has been computed by the Jewish historian, 
from whose affecting narrative most of the preceding 
facts have been derived, that more than a million of this 
devoted people perished during the siege, and that 97,000 
were taken captive by the conqueror, and dispersed 
through the provinces of the Roman empire. 

Having completed the Jewish war, Titus returned in 


ESSAY V. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 281 

triumph to Rome, where he was received with the warmest 
acclamations of a grateful people, who were no less 
dazzled by the splendour of his victories, than charmed 
with the urbanity of his disposition, and condescension of 
his manners. The rest of Vespasian’s reign was chiefly 
occupied with domestic arrangements of the most salutary 
nature; such as, rebuilding the Capitol and other edifices, 
which had fallen into decay; restoring discipline in the 
Roman armies, and especially amongst the praetorian 
cohorts, which were become exceedingly dissolute; puri¬ 
fying the courts of judicature from bribery and corrup¬ 
tion ; and collecting those public records which had been 
scattered and lest amidst the late commotions. Whilst 
engaged in these laudable pursuits, lie was removed by 
death, in the tenth year of his reign, and sixty-ninth of 
his agej deeply regretted by all his subjects, and de¬ 
servedly honoured by succeeding generations. 

Tacit. Hist. lib. 1—4. Sueton. et Plut. in vit. Galb. Othon, &c. 
Joseph, de Bell. Jud. Dio. lib. 0*4—66, See. 


REFLECTIONS. 

How many correctives to human pride and ambition 
do the records of Antiquity contain ! In the short space 
not only of a few years, but even of a few months, how 
many instructive lessons were presented, tending to im¬ 
press a deep conviction upon the mind of the vanity, the 
uncertainty, and the misery attendant upon worldly gran¬ 
deur. With what rapidity did these phantoms ot roy¬ 
alty glide along, and how suddenly did they disappear. 
IIow full of cares and sorrows, solicitudes and dangers, 
were the fleeting honours which these short-lived Empe¬ 
rors pursued with so much ardour, and maintained with 
such fatal obstinacy ! It is worthy of remark that not 
one of the Roman Emperors from Augustus to Vespasian 
died a natural death. Tiberius was smothered by his 
successor—Caligula, assassinated by his soldiers—Clau¬ 
dius, poisoned by his wife—Nero, to escape greater 


282 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK II?. 


tortures, destroyed himself—Galba was murdered by a 
band of his revolted troops—Otho terminated his own 
existence—and Vitellius was torn in pieces by his enraged 
subjects. Such are the wages of sin ; such, the rewards 
of worldly ambition ! Yet, strange as it may appear* 
uninstructcd by these repeated and impressive lessons, 
succeeding generations proceed with unabated ardour in 
the same perilous career, court similar dangers, endure 
equal sufferings, and reap at last the same bitter fruits. 
And still more strange is the melancholy fact, that an. 
immortal crown is despised and trodden under foot by 
these votaries of ambition, though the prize is both certain 
and glorious. Would to God that equal efforts were 
made, and equal ardour displayed in the pursuit of 
that eternal inheritance and unfading crown, which 
is the <c mark of our high calling of God in Christ 
Jesus.” 

The calamities which befel the Jews in the reign of 
Vespasian, are deeply interesting, whether they be con¬ 
templated as an awful display of the righteous vengeance 
of the Most High against a people laden with iniquity 
and ripe for destruction ; or, as a manifest fulfilment of 
prophecy, and especially of the predictions recorded by 
the sacred evangelists; or, as affording the most con¬ 
vincing evidence of the truth of Christianity, and of 
the divine Authority and Inspiration of the Holy 
Scriptures. 

The Jews had been for many nges a people distin¬ 
guished from all others by privileges and sacred institu¬ 
tions. To them belonged exclusively the Oracles of 
God. Theirs were the patriarchs and prophets, holy 
men, whom God endowed with the Spirit of Revelation, 
and instructed in the knowledge of his will. They were 
claimed by JeiIovah as his peculiar portion, and “ the 
lot of his inheritance.” Yet amidst all, they were dis¬ 
obedient, rebellious, and ungrateful; a people prone to 
i lolatry; proud of their privileges, and incorrigible under 
the chastisements of the Aim', lity. Though long threat- 
ened with judgments, they were spared from age to age; 
a succession of holy prophets was raised up to admonish 
and reprove them ; and at length the Son of God from! 


ESSAY V. 


T1IE HISTORY OF ROME. 


283 


heaven himself visited them, dwelt among them, taught 
in their streets, and performed many miracles in the 
midst of them. But the heavenly messengers were 
scorned, persecuted, destroyed—the incarnate Redeemer 
himself was despised, rejected, and, with wicked hands, 
crucified and slain. This was the consummation of 
their guilt—this, the beginning of their sorrows. In 
how awful a sense was the imprecation of these mur¬ 
derers fulfilled, within a few years of the death of Christ, 
u His blood be upon us, and on our children.” The 
storm, charged with divine vengeance, gathered, lowered, 
and finally burst with tremendous fury upon the heaven- 
devoted people. The first vial of wrath was poured 
out upon Galilee, the place where many of the miracles 
of Jesus were performed, and where, notwithstanding 
these mighty W'orks wrought in the midst of them, 
the guilty inhabitants besought him to depart out of 
their coasts. But vials of augmented vengeance were 
reserved for that abandoned city, which had been the 
scene of the most affecting tragedy ever exhibited to 
men and angels. The infatuation that possessed the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem—their obstinate rejeclion of 
pardon and mercy when not only offered, but pressed 
upon them by the clemency cf I he conqueror—the man¬ 
ner and extremity of their sufferings—all bespeak the 
direct and awful interposition of the God of Vengeance 
for their destruction. 

These calamities were foretold in general terms by 
several of the Jewish prophets, but by our Saviour espe¬ 
cially, in language so express and remarkable, that they 
might almost be considered as an historical record of the 
transactions to which they refer. When we read in 
Sacred History, that our Lord assured his disciples, who 
were admiring the magnificence of the temple, that 
« one stone would not be left upon another, which should 
not be thrown down;” that “ the tribulation of those 
days would be great, such as was not since the beginning 
of the world to that time, no, nor ever shall bethat 
« there should be great distress in the land, and wrath 
upon the people” of the Jews, who should “ fall by the 
edge of the sword, and be led captive into all nations;” 





281 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK I IT. 


and that u Jerusalem should be trodden down of the 
Gentiles, till the times of the Gentiles were fulfilled ;”— 
when these and many similar predictions, are read, and 
compared with the authentic statement in profane history 
of the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus Vespasian,.and 
the consequent dispersion of that ancient people; it 
seems impossible to resist the conviction, which arises 
from this comparison, that those prophecies were literally 
fulfilled, and that in a most remarkable manner, by 
these events. 

Nor is this all; if the conviction produced in an 
unprejudiced mind from this comparison were followed 
up, it would lead to a persuasion, amounting to a “ full 
assurance of faith,” that the Holy Prophet who foretold 
these things was indeed the u Christ, the Son of the 
living God”—that the Gospel first proclaimed by him, 
and afterwards by his Apostles, is the glorious Gospel of 
the Blessed God”—and that the Sacred Scriptures, which 
contain these remarkable predictions, were dictated by 
the Spirit of Truth, and are amply sufficient to “ lead us 
into all truth.” 

While the heart-rending tale of the miseries of this 
infatuated people is repeated, it is consolatory to reflect, 
that u there is hope in their end.” They are not finally 
castofl: nor have they fallen beyond recovery. These 
broken branches will assuredly be grafted in again, 
and partake once more of the root and fatness of the 
olive-tree: or, to express the same animating promise 
ot Holy Writ without a figure—their privileges will 
be restored, their covenant blessings renewed, and in a 
iar higher sense than before, Jehovah will be their God, 
and they shall be his people. 


ESSAY VI. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


285 


ESSAY VI. 

On Titus and Do mitian. 
from A. D. 79—96. 

No two characters could be more opposed to each 
other both in disposition and habits, than the sons of 
Vespasian, who succeeded him in the government of 
the empire. The one, amiable, modest, benevolent, 
generous, and forgiving—the other, ferocious, proud, 
inhuman, covetous, and resentful; the one, universally 
loved and honoured—the other at once hated and de¬ 
spised by all his oppressed subjects. The transient reign 
of Titus was sufficient to prove him a public blessing, 
and justify the title given to him after his death, u The 
delight of the human race."* The longer administration 
of Domitian was so filled up with cruelty and crimes, 
that lie can only be considered as the reproach and curse 
of the age in which he lived. The subsequent facts will 
be sufficient to shew that the praises which have been 
lavished by contemporary historians on the one—and the 
the censures and execrations which have been poured on 
the memory of the other, were by no means unfounded. 

Titus was associated with his father in the Consul¬ 
ship during seven successive years, previously to the 
death of the Emperor, and had been already entrusted 
with many important offices, the duties connected with 
which he had discharged with fidelity and honour. 
11 is education had been liberal, and his literary attain¬ 
ments were unquestionably great. In his youtlrhe was 
addicted to unlawful pleasures, and both disgraced him¬ 
self, and offended the Roman people, by his criminal 
attachment to the beautiful but infamous Bernice, who 
was at once the sister and wife of Agrippa, and before 
whom the Apostle Paul had eloquently pleaded the 


/ 


* “ Delicise humani generis.” 





STUDIES IN IIISTOIIY. 


BOOK III. 


286 


cause of Christianity. These vices, however, and espe¬ 
cially the latter most offensive one, were abandoned by 
him, when called by Vespasian’s death, to the sole 
administration of the empire. The amiableness of his 
disposition first appeared in his conduct to his brother 
Domitian, whose ambition led him haughtily to demand 
an equal share in the government, and who under this 
pretence, excited seditions in the city ; yet Titus was so 
Jar from resenting the arrogance of his younger brother, 
that he satisfied himself with admonishing and entreating 
him with tears to return his affection with similar kind¬ 
ness and love. It seemed to be the uniform desire of this 
kind-hearted monarch, to gratify and oblige his subjects, 
and that not so much from the love of popularity, as 
from a wish to confer happiness on his fellow-creatures. 
All his public edicts bespake his humanity and ten¬ 
derness; the clemency with which he treated criminals 
and rebels evinced the mildness, rather than the policy 
of his administration; and even in the public shows and 
exhibitions with which he frequently gratified his sub¬ 
jects, he consulted their taste and pleasure, more than his 
own indulgence. 

Several public calamities with which the Romans 
were visited during the short reign of Titus, afforded him 
an opportunity of exhibiting more fully the benevolence 
of his heart. The first of these was a tremendous erup¬ 
tion of Mount Vesuvius, which consumed, with torrents 
of burning lava, several large cities and their inhabitants. 
Amongst these were Pompeii and Herculaneum, whose 
ruins, to this day ,' afford materials for the curious re¬ 
searches of classical antiquarians. In this volcanic 
desolation, whose ravages extended more than a hundred 
miles in circumference, the elder Pliny perished by suf¬ 
focation ; having imprudently ventured too near to the 
crater of the mountain, for the purpose of observing the 
phenomena it presented. This calamity was followed 
by a fire at Rome, which raged three days and nights; 
and by which many public edifices of great value and 
beauty were reduced to ashes. A dreadful plague 
quickly followed this conflagration, which is said to 
iiave swept away ten thousand of the inhabitants daily. 




ESSAY VI. 


THE HISTORY OE ROME. 


287 


All these public desolations touched the compassionate 
heart of the Emperor, who exerted himself to the utmost 
to diminish their violence, and administer relief. The 
buildings which had been destroyed by fire, he under¬ 
took to replace at his own expence; the sufferers in 
Campania received from his private liberality as well as 
his imperial munificence, a compensation for their losses 
by the late eruption of Vesuvius; and every expedient, 
which either superstition or humanity could devise, was 
employed to stay the progress of the malignant disease, 
and console those who had been bereaved by its pes¬ 
tilential influence. 

Towards the close of the reign of Titus, new honours 
were decreed him by the Senate, not only on account of 
the completion of several works of national importance, 
but likewise on account of the victories of the renowned 
Agricola in Britain;, the particulars of which belong 
more properly to the history of that country.* But 
scarcely were these laurels entwined around his brow, by 
a grateful and affectionate people, when he was seized 
with a malady that terminated his life and reign in the 
forty-first year of his age, and after a prosperous adminis¬ 
tration of little more than two years. It is painful to be 
constrained to add, that at the approach of death, this 
amiable, but self-deluded prince, lifted up his hands and 
eyes toward heaven, and complained of the severity of 
the Fates, in removing him so prematurely from this 
world; affirming at the same time that “ on a review of 
life, lie knew but one action of which lie had any reason 
to repent.” But, on the other hand, it is recorded to his 
praise, that when, on one occasion, he recollected at night 
that lie had conferred no favour on any one of his 
subjects through the previous day, he exclaimed with 
evident emotion, a I have lost a day.” 

Domitian, the brother of Titus and younger son of 
Vespasian, now ascended the throne. His youth had 
been spent in voluptuousness, which neither the reproofs 
nor the authority of his father could restrain. Like most 


* Hist, of Eng-. Book I. Essay 4. 







STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 111. 


288 

of the tyrants who had preceded him, the commencement 
of his reign was characterized by moderation, and a 
regard to the public good. Some of his first laws w ere 
salutary; and his first public measures, popular and 
humane. But the mask of humanity was not long worn. 
From the solitary cruelly of shutting himself up in his 
palace to kill flies, he quickly proceeded to the most 
atrocious of crimes. The talents and reputation of 
Agricolu, who was still pursuing his victories in Britain, 
first excited the envy of this tyrant, who therefore 
recalled him in the midst of his most splendid successes, 
and deprived him of all authority. To avoid the re¬ 
sentment which evidently lurked in the breast of his 
sovereign, Agricola retired from public life, and spent 
his days in the most unostentatious obscurity. But 
thither the jealousy and malice of Domitian followed 
him; for it was generally believed that poison was 
privately administered to him, by the Emperor’s orders; 
an opinion which was strengthened rather than disproved 
by the assiduous attention he paid to that illustrious 
general during his illness, and the regrets expressed after 
his death. The character given of this distinguished 
commander by his justly-admired biographer, Tacitus 
the historian, represents him as adorned with every private 
and public virtue, who, though cut off' in the vigour of his 
days, had acquired an imperishable name—a reputation 
more bright anti durable than that which the stateliest 
monuments of brass or marble could confer. 

It soon appeared that the nerve of the empire was 
broken, when Agricola expired. After that event, fre¬ 
quent irruptions were made into the frontier provinces 
both in Europe and Asia, by the Sarmatians, the Dacians, 
and other barbarous tribes, who ravaged with impunity 
the Roman territories, and cut off the legions that were 
sent to oppose them. These repeated losses were occa¬ 
sioned not so much by the want of internal resources, as 
by the misguided policy of Domitian, who had with¬ 
drawn his confidence from his most experienced com¬ 
manders, and entrusted his armies to the most worthless 
and contemptible characters. Indeed to possess any 
order of talent, whether civil or military, literary or 


feSSAY VI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


289 


scientific, was then sufficient to constitute the most hein¬ 
ous offence, and deserve the severest punishment. Some 
persons of distinction were condemned for their con¬ 
sanguinity to the imperial family—others, for their great 
wealth, which fear or vanity had induced them to be¬ 
queath after their death to the Emperor—some were 
executed for their wit, and others for their learning—^ 
some, for having composed popular books, and others, 
for having invented useful discoveries. In a word, 
nothing was spared, which could tend in the remotest 
degree, to eclipse the glory, or expose the injustice of the 
despot, who filled the imperial throne. 

The vanity of this Emperor was not less impious and 
absurd, than his cruelties were excessive. He required 
his statues to be erected in every city, and in almost 
every public edifice, and prohibited that they should be 
made of any other materials than gold or silver. He im¬ 
piously claimed divine honours and titles, not suffering any 
of his subjects to address him, by any other appellations 
than those of Lord and God. Multitudes of victims 
were daily sacrificed upon altars dedicated to this new 
deity. If any refused to join in presenting this idolatrous 
homage to the tyrant, they were marked out as objects of 
his most cruel persecution. On this account, the Chris¬ 
tians, who had become exceedingly numerous, were 
treated with the utmost severity. Orders were sent to ail 
the governors of the provinces to apprehend, imprison, 
torture, and put to death, all w ho professed the Christian 
religion, without regard to age, sex, or condition in life. 
Amongst those who suffered martyrdom in this second 
f general persecution, two are mentioned by ancient histo¬ 
rians, who were nearly related to the Emperor himself, 
Clemens or Clement, who was his cousin and colleague 
in the consulship; and Domitilla, the wife or niece of 
t Clemens. The alleged crime for which these distin¬ 
guished persons suffered, was atheism; by which was 
always understood in that age, a refusal to worship the 
gods of Rome. Tradition has referred to the latter end 
of Domitian’s reign, an event, which though remarkable 
will appear by no means incredible, when it is remem¬ 
bered liow often the special protection of the Almighty 

o 







STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III, 


£90 


has been vouchsafed to his favourite servants. It is 
related of John, the beloved disciple and evangelist, that, 
about this time, he was condemned to death, by being 
cast into a cauldron of boiling oil, but escaped unhurt. 
Whether this be authentic or not, it is certain that he 
was now removed from the superintendence of the Chris¬ 
tian Church at Ephesus, and banished to the desolate 
isle of Patmos. 

It is not surprising that the reign of Domitian was 
disturbed by conspiracies and insurrections; or that he 
became a torment to himself, by his suspicions and 
jealousies. Some of these rebellions, (particularly that of 
Lucius Antonius in Upper Germany,) assumed a for¬ 
midable appearance, and occasioned the destruction of 
many, who either were, or were suspected of being con¬ 
spirators. Amongst other causes of jealousy, it is related, 
that the rumour reached the Emperor’s ear, of an opinion 
which prevailed in the East, and was supposed to be 
founded on an ancient prophecy, that “ some descendant 
of David, king of Israel, should establish an universal 
empire.” This was sufficient to arouse all his fears. 
The most diligent search was instituted amongst the 
Jews into the lineage of David, and inquiries were made 
after his surviving descendants. Two persons in lowly 
condition and of obscure birth, were at length discovered, 
and brought before Domitian, on the charge of,con¬ 
sanguinity to the royal house of David. These were 
grandsons of the Apostle Jude, the brother of our Lord. 
On examining them, the Emperor found that they were 
Christians, who, far from expecting the establishment 
of a temporal kingdom, had deeply imbibed the prin¬ 
ciples of their Master, who taught that “ his kingdom 
was not of this world.” These holy confessors were 
dismissed with contempt; but from that time the Em¬ 
peror seems to have been less suspicious of his Christian 
subjects, and in some measure to have relaxed the severity 
of his measures against them. 

The sanguinary course of this tyrant now drew near 
to its close. His cruelties became unbounded, and in¬ 
tolerable. Among the rest, it was discovered by the 
impress Domitia, that her name was inserted in the list 





ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 291 

of those intended for speedy execution. Roused by her 
fears, no less than by her resentments, she communicated 
the alarming fact to several senators of distinction and 
officers of the household, who like herself were marked 
out for destruction. A conspiracy was entered into by 
these individuals, who could only defend themselves 
from tyranny by the assassination of the tyrant. This 
was effected at midnight within the walls of his palace by 
several of his own household, in the forty-fifth year of his 
life, and sixteenth of his iniquitous reign. 

Sueton. in Tit. et Domit. Tacit, in Agricol. ct Hist. Dio. 
Cass. lib. 66, 67. Plin. Oros. Tertull. et Euseb. Oper. 


REFLECTIONS. 

A wide difference is frequently observable in members 
of the same family, and even in children of the same 
parents. The Patriarch Isaac had but two sons, the 
one of whom was Jacob, a believer in the same promises, 
and a partaker of the blessings of the same covenant 
with himself; but the other was Esau, a man of violence 
and blood; who, alter his father’s death, became an 
idolater, and was justly excluded from the participation 
of the patriarchal blessing. Vespasian, in like manner, 
had two sons—one the comfort—but the other, the curse 
of his old age. Whatever allowance it maybe necessary 
sometimes to make for different tempers, and natural 
tendencies arising from constitutional or other causes; it 
cannot be doubted that in many of these cases, the 
difference may be accounted for by education alone. In 
that which has been just adverted to, it is easy to 
perceive, why Titus grew up in habits of moral restraint, 
whilst his brother Domitian became a voluptuous liber- 
If tine, and an inhuman tyrant. Titus was early with¬ 
drawn from the contaminating atmosphere of the Roman 
Court, and placed under the immediate eye of his ex¬ 
cellent father; but Domitian was suffered to remain 
a witness of all the enormities, and a partaker of the 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


2V2 


guilt and infamy of the profligate reigns of Nero and 
Vitellius. If parents, from motives of ambition and 
covetousness, expose their children to moral defilement— 
if they place them, where they are compelled to inhale 
the pestilential vapours of pride and sensuality—what 
can they expect, but that they should prove sources of 
shame and sorrow to themselves, and of extensive misery 
to their social connections ? 

How lovely a disposition was that, which prompted 
Titus to seek his chief enjoyment in promoting the felicity 
of others; and led him to deplore that day as lost, in 
which he was not conscious of having augmented the sum 
of human happiness. O ! who can forbear to wish that 
on this amiable natural stock bad been engrafted, the 
precious germ of Christianity ! What clusters of exquisite 
fruit, would then have enriched and adorned his future 
character and life! Methinks he was just such an one 
as the benevolent Jesus, had he been then on earth, 
would have looked upon, and loved—yet to whom he 
would have said, with peculiar emphasis, u One thing 
thou lackest.” Scarcely can we refrain from weeping 
over his death-bed scene, and saying, “ Deluded mortal, 
by what test hast thou tried thy former life, that but one 
action should be discovered which seems to call for con- • 
trition before thy Maker ? It is not necessary that the 
hallowed beams of the divine law, or the brighter lustre 
of the everlasting Gospel, should be brought to bear 
upon the sins of thy youth, and the transgressions of thy 
maturer davs, in order to cover thee with shame before 
the God of holiness and truth. Let but conscience 
bear an impartial witness, and thine own heart will 
condemn thee.” Yet thus deluded by the pride of 
their hearts, and the blindness of their understandings, 
liow many quit life with self-approbation, and pre¬ 
sumptuous confidence ! To how many might it be said 
with truth in their expiring moments, “ Is there not a lie 
in thy right hand ?” 

It appears from ecclesiastical history, that in this 
early period of Christianity, there were many whose 
names are not enrolled in the lists of fame, but who were 
animated by the same heroic piety, which fortified 


ESSAY VI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 293 

the breasts of the three Jewish youths, recorded in 
Scripture, and of Daniel, their illustrious fellow-captive. 
These confessors, (many of whom belonged to what is 
called the weaker sex, but which has ever been valiant 
lor the truth upon the earth,) replied to the impious 
demands of a haughty tyrant that they would acknowledge 
him as a god: u He it known to thee, O king, that 
we will not serve thy gods, nor worship the golden image 
which thou hast set up.” Notwithstanding all his im¬ 
perial edicts, and the excruciating tortures with which 
those unjust decrees were armed, these Christian heroes 
kneeled upon their knees, and prayed and gave thanks 
to God as aforetime.” Nor did all this fury of the 
oppressor avail to pluck up and destroy the tender vine, 
which the right hand of the Most High had planted. 
On the contrary, the more it was shaken by the wintry 
blast, the deeper were its roots, and the more richly 
laden its widely-extending branches. Never yet have 
persecuting edicts, or penal statutes, directed against 
conscience, answered the purpose, for which they were 
d( ^signed. They have never succeeded even in extirpating 
heresy, much less can they prevail against the impreg¬ 
nable bulwarks of truth and holiness. 

If the tradition relative to the evangelist John be 
authentic, it demonstrates that the servants of Christ 
are invulnerable, till their work is done. Furnaces 
may be heated seven times hot ter than usual; lions 
may be famished to render them more furious and 
savage; cauldrons of boiling oil may be prepared; but 
if these men of God, for whose destruction they are 
intended, are raised up for further labours, or designed 
to receive additional revelations; the a fire shall have 
no power over their bodies, nor shall an hair ol their 
heads be singed”—« their God will send his angel 
to shut the lions’ mouths;” or the boiling cauldron 
shall prove but a refreshing bath. The venerable Apostle 
was to receive brighter and more glorious, though 
deeply mysterious revelations in the isle ot Patmos, 
than those with which his earlier years had been fa¬ 
voured. Then, indeed, he had reclined on the bosom 
of his incarnate Saviour, and enjoyed his gracious 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


smiles—but the form in which that Saviour then ap¬ 
peared was lowl} r and obscure; the form not only of 
man, but of a servant—it was reserved for the hoary 
hairs of this venerable saint to see his ascended Lord, 
arrayed in those forms of divine majesty, and to hear him 
proclaiming those divine titles, which are so sublimely 
described in the Apocalypse. 

How frequently have wicked men been made the 
unwilling instruments of conferring signal benefits on the 
Church of God ! Of this the banishment of John was 
an example. It was doubtless a source of grief to 
the Christians at Ephesus to be deprived of their beloved 
pastor—to see him torn from their arms at so advanced 
an age—and stationed in a remote and dreary clime, 
where he would be in danger of perishing for want. 
But little did they, or his cruel persecutors know, 
the valuable results which should arise, not to them¬ 
selves alone, but to the Church in all succeeding ages, 
from this arbitrary and unjust measure. When con¬ 
templating these mysteries of the God of Providence, 
it surely becomes us with humble gratitude and de¬ 
vout admiration, to exclaim, u He is wonderful iu 
counsel and excellent in working.” 


ESSAY VII. 

On Nerva, Trajan, and Adrian. 


from A. D. 96—138. 

Domttian was the last of the twelve Caesars, a very 
small proportion of whom have any claim upon the re¬ 
spect or even the indulgence of posterity. If an ex¬ 
ception be made in favour of Augustus, Vespasian, and 
Titus, all the rest were, in a greater or less degree, 
public scourges and monsters of iniquity. A more 
excellent dynasty now arose, which included a succession 
of wise and humane princes, during a space of nearly 




ESSAY VII. 


TriE HISTORY OF ROME. 


295 ? 


a century. This series commenced with Nerva, who 
was by birth an Umbrian, and by descent a Cretan; 
but whose private virtues and public reputation pointed 
him out to the Senate, as the most proper person to 
be entrusted with the imperial dignity. In his youth, 
he had distinguished himself as a poet; his poems con¬ 
sisted chiefly of epigrams, and were so admired by 
Nero, that for their sake alone, he rewarded Nerva 
with a pnetorship, and with a statue in his palace. In 
subsequent years he withdrew almost entirely from pub¬ 
lic observation, and is supposed to have been banished 
by his jealous predecessor to Tarentum, on account of 
the admonition of an astrologer, who warned him to 
44 beware of Nerva.” When called to the government 
of the empire by the united suffrages of the Senate and 
praetorian guards, he consented, though of a timorous 
disposition and retiring character, from a regard to the 
public good, rather than from motives of private ambition. 
He had attained his sixty-fourth year, and was the sub¬ 
ject of many bodily infirmities, when this important trust 
was committed to his hands. 

The administration of Nerva was characterized by 
lenity rather than vigour. Itwas mild,pacific,and tolerant; 
but blamed by some, as imbecile, and too indulgent 
to offenders. If the excellency of a reign be estimated 
by the splendid enterprises, the brilliant victories, or 
the pompous triumphs with which it has been graced, on 
none of these grounds has that of Nerva any claim to 
admiration or applause; but if the repeal of obnoxious 
and tyrannical laws—the redress of public grievances— 
the protection of the property and lives of his subjects— 
and an exuberance of kindness, which disarmed his 
enemies and transformed them into friends—if these be 
characteristics of a wise and good monarch, Nerva must 
unquestionably be enrolled in this revered and honoured 
list. One instance of weakness is recorded which must 
be ascribed to the timidity of his disposition, rather 
than to the dictates of his judgment. The mutinous 
soldiers who had formed Domitiau’s guard loudly de¬ 
manded the death of the conspirators, who had assas¬ 
sinated that tynuit, and Nerva was prevailed on, not 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


£96 

only to comply with the claims of these mutineers by 
sacrificing the persons from whom he had received his 
crown, but even to return them public thanks for having 
executed the worst of criminals. 

This injudicious acquiescence in the arrogant de¬ 
mands of the troops encouraged them to commit greater 
excesses, and rendered it necessary that the aged monarch 
should seek the aid and support of some more vigorous 
coadjutor, who might relieve him of a burden which 
pressed too heavily on his declining days. Intent alone 
upon the welfare of the empire, he adopted Trajan, who 
was then governor of Lower Germany, and universally 
esteemed the most skilful general, and ablest statesman 
of that age. x Tire influence of Trajan’s name was such, 
that when his adoption was generally known, the mu¬ 
tinous soldiers v immediately returned to their allegiance, 
and perfect tranquillity was restored. Soon after this 
important step had been taken, and ambassadors dis¬ 
patched to inform Trajan of his unexpected honours, 
Nerva was seized with a fever of which he died, after a 
short reign of one year and four months. 

The greatest honour is reflected upon the memory 
of this prince by his having been the first heathen 
sovereign, who issued an edict expressly for the protec¬ 
tion of the despised but numerous sect of Christians. 
Not only were the sanguinary laws of his predecessor 
on this subject repealed, but those who had been banished 
from Rome and other cities of the empire, were recalled, 
and permitted without restraint or molestation to worship 
God according to the dictates of their consciences. In 
consequence of this first Toleration Act , John the 
Evangelist returned from the isle of Patmos, and resumed 
the superintendence of the Ephesian Church, where he 
is supposed soon afterwards to have died in extreme old 
age, pronouncing with his latest breath, the exhortation 
which he had exemplified through life, « Little children, 
love one another.’’ 

Trajan w r as a native of Italica near Seville in Spain, 
and about forty-five years of age, when he was pro¬ 
claimed Emperor. He had been placed in his youtli 
under the tuition of Plutarch, the celebrated biographical 


ESSAY VII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 297 

historian, to whose valuable writings, constant reference 
has been made in the preceding essays.* But the 
greater part of his life had been spent in the Roman 
camp, and his talents were chiefly military. He departed 
from the line of policy which had been pursued by all 
the Roman Emperors since Augustus, by aiming at the 
extension of the empire, and annexing to its present 
unwieldy growth, additional and more remote provinces. 
Intent upon this object, he began with retaliating upon 
the Dacians the ravages they had committed in the 
Roman territories during the reign ofDomitian, by the 
invasion of their country. His first expedition was 
attended with brilliant success, and terminated in com¬ 
pelling Decebalus, the king of Dacia, to sign a treaty, by 
which he surrendered his arms and military stores to the 
conqueror, and became a tributary prince. This galling 
yoke was soon thrown off by the Dacians, who were 
again conquered by Trajan, in a second and more deci¬ 
sive expedition, which ended in the capture of the 
Dacian metropolis, the dearth of Decebalus, and the re¬ 
duction of the whole kingdom into a Roman province. 
On account of these successful campaigns, Trajan was 
honoured with two splendid triumphs. 

The conquest of Dacia revived the spirit of military 
ambition amongst the Romans, which had long slum¬ 
bered ; and reminded them of the days of the common¬ 
wealth, when the terror of their arms penetrated to the 
remotest climes. Ambassadors were now sent from the 
most powerful monarchs of the East to conciliate the 
favour, and court the alliance of Trajan.. The kings of 
Parthia, Armenia, Edessa, and Mesopotamia, vied with 
each other in expressions of homage and acts of submis¬ 
sion, as this monarch proceeded in his victorious march 


* That distinguished Biographer is said to have written a 
letter to his former pupil at the commencement of his reign, i& 
which he gave him much wise and excellent advice, and con¬ 
cluded with declaring that if his future government should prove 
unjust and tyrannical, that letter should be a public testimony 
that Trajan had not ruined the Roman empire by the advice and 
sanction of his preceptor Plutarch. 

o 5* 



29S STUDIES IN HISTORY. ROOK III. 

through their territories, as far as the river Tigris, over 
which he constructed a bridge, as a memorial of the ex¬ 
tent of his conquests. Nor was this enterprising sove¬ 
reign satisfied with making even the Tigris an eastern 
boundary of the Roman empire. He proceeded to 
occupy Seleucia, and take possession of Ctesiphon, the 
capital of Ptrthia; after which he visited Babylon, and, 
having discovered the palace of Alexander of Maced on, 
performed a variety of superstitious rites on the spot 
where (hat insatiable conqueror ignobly perished. Fired 
with a similar ambition, Trajan now ardently desired to 
attempt the conquest of India, but was checked in his 
career by the intelligence of insurrections in several of 
the provinces, which he had lately annexed to the empire. 
The principal authors of these revolts were the Jews who 
had been dispersed through those countries after the de¬ 
struction of Jerusalem, and who now expected the speedy 
dissolution of the Roman empire. This hostility of the 
whole nation of the Jews, which was not confined to one 
province, but manifested itself at the same time in almost 
every part of the empire, occasioned the severe measures 
which that monarch adopted towards the close of his 
reign against jhis unhappy people, multitudes of whom 
were cut off by the sword, and treated with the utmost 
barbarity. 

These, however, were not the only cruelties which 
disgraced the reign of Trajan. He was a persecutor of 
the Christians, whose rapid increase, both in numbers 
and influence, excited his alarm. From the correspon¬ 
dence bet ween this Emperor, and Pliny the younger, who 
Was appointed to the government of Bilhynia, it appears 
that in some of the provinces the number of Christians 
was so great, and their influence so considerable, that the 
Idol temples were almost deserted, and scarcely could 
purchasers be found for the meat which had been offered 
in sacrifice to idols. In answer to the inquiries of that 
distinguished scholar, in what manner he should treat 
persons who proved to be Christians, and whom he de¬ 
scribes as “ a harmless sect, accustomed to meet before 
day-break to sing hymns to Christ as a God, and bound 
by an path to abstain from all manner of vice”—the Era- 




ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


m 


peror instructed his minister c ‘ not to search for the 
Christians, but if they were brought before him, to 
punish them.” In this persecution it is affirmed, that 
Simeon, the venerable president of the Christian churches 
in Judaea, and Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, suffered 
martyrdom; the former by crucifixion, and the latter by 
being torn in pieces of wild beasts. The death of these 
two aged saints made a deep impression, not only on the 
Christians themselves, many of whom eagerly rushed 
forward to embrace the crown of martyrdom ; but on the 
heathen also, who were astonished at the intrepidity and 
even extacy, with which these holy martyrs endured all 
the agonies of a violent death. 

Trajan was returning from his eastern expedition, and 
anticipating a most magnificent triumph on his arrival at 
his capital, when he was seized with a distemper which 
in a few days terminated his mortal career, and with it, 
all h is ambitious projects. This event took place in the 
twentieth year of his reign and sixty-third of his age. 
His ashes were brought to Rome in a golden urn by his 
wife Plotijia, and interred beneath a stately column which 
he had lately erected in the centre of a spacious square, 
that long continued to bear his name. It would, how¬ 
ever, be unjust to the memory of this monarch to con¬ 
template him merely as an ambitious conqueror, and a 
persecutor of the disciples of Christ. There were many 
excellent traits in his character and government, which 
in part counterbalanced these evils. He was condescend¬ 
ing to all classes of his subjects, ever ready to listen to 
their complaints, and redress their wrongs. The maxim 
by which he professed to act was, u to treat his subjects 
as he would himself wish to be treated by his prince, if 
he were in a private station.” So far was he from in¬ 
dulging a suspicious temper, that when he was admo¬ 
nished by some false friends of the treachery of his con¬ 
fidential favourites, he went to them, unarmed and alone, 
to shew that he still reposed the utmost confidence in 
those suspected traitors. These, and many similar in¬ 
stances of generosity and kindness, greatly endeared him 
to his subjects, insomuch that after his death the cus¬ 
tomary benediction pronounced upon a new Emperor was 


300 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK III. 

a prayer, that he might possess the fortune of Augustus 
and the goodness of Trajan. 

Adrian, who was also a Spaniard, and related by 
marriage to Trajan, succeeded him in the government. 
He is supposed to have been chiefly indebted for his 
election to the partiality and friendship of Plotina, 
Trajan’s widow, who ainrmed, and even produced a 
forged document to prove, that the late Emperor had 
adopted Adrian, as his son and successor. He was at 
Antioch w hen Trajan died, and was immediately saluted 
Emperor by the troops under his command ; which elec¬ 
tion was afterwards confirmed by the Senate, who were 
not ignorant of his superior talents and commanding in¬ 
fluence. He was remarkable for strength of memory, 
versatility of genius, and laborious research. His studies 
had included every branch of literature and science 
which had then been discovered, in all of which he was 
no ordinary proficient. He was constantly surrounded 
by philosophers, mathematicians, poets, orators, and 
artists, in whose society he greatly delighted, and whom 
he liberally patronized. Like his predecessor, he was 
affable and condescending to his inferiors; kind and for¬ 
giving to his enemies: but, unlike him, he was rather 
disposed to contract than to extend the limits of the 
empire, and preferred to relinquish the late Asiatic con¬ 
quests, rather than involve himself in perpetual contests 
with the inhabitants of those remote provinces. 

Adrian had not been long in possession of the crown, 
when a conspiracy was detected into which four persons 
of consular rank had entered, who were summarily ex¬ 
ecuted by the Senate, though without the knowledge or 
consent of the Emperor, if his own most solemn testi¬ 
mony may be a* credited. He now resolved to take the 
tour of his vast empire, that he might inquire into abuses, 
and, that, like the sun, he might not illuminate one spot 
merely in the centre of his dominions, but dispense be¬ 
nefits and blessings amongst all his subjects in every 
quarter of the globe. Such at least is the representation 
given by himself of the design of his journey, which, in¬ 
terrupted alone by occasional visits to his metropolis, 
occupied nearly the whole of his reign. He first tra- 


ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 301 

versed Gaul and Germany, where lie spent almost a year 
in restoring the ancient military discipline amongst the 
legions stationed in those provinces, and examining the 
fortresses which had been built on the northern frontiers 
of the empire; thence he proceeded to Britain, the 
greater part of which was now subject to the Roman 
yoke, but continually disturbed by the incursions of the 
Caledonians, a warlike people, that inhabited its northern 
coasts. To protect his British subjects from these incur¬ 
sions, he caused a wall of prodigious length and thick¬ 
ness to be constructed, which extended from the river 
Eden in Cumberland to the Tyne in Northumberland, a 
distance of about eighty miles. From Britain, he passed 
through Gaul to Spain, where he wintered, and, in the 
mean time, completed some public edifices, which tormer 
emperors had left unfinished. 

After a transient visit to Rome, Adrian set out for 
Greece and Asia Minor, all whose provinces lie visited in 
.person, leaving behind him not the traces of desolation 
and carnage, but tokens of royal munificence and national 
prosperity. To so profound a scholar, the classical city 
of Athens could not fail to have many attractions; he 
therefore determined to spend the winter there, and was 
initiated during that period into the celebrated Eleusi- 
nean mysteries. In subsequent, journies he traversed his 
African provinces, and visited Syria, Palestine, Arabia, 
and Egypt, in all of which departments of the empire he 
devised some public improvements, or meditated some 
magnificent design. Amongst these, it is affirmed by the 
Jewish historian, that he projected the rebuilding of the 
city and temple of Jerusalem, but did not live to execute 
that design. 

A complication of diseases with which he was now 
assailed, induced him to choose a successor; and with 
this view he first adopted Lucius Commodus, a dissipated 
and unworthy youth, who, dying soon afterwards, was 
succeeded by Marcus Antoninus, the excellent prince, 
whose character will be sketched in the next essay. 

In the mean time the diseases of the Emperor in¬ 
creased so rapidly, and became so insupportable, that he 
desired death with the utmost impatience. “How 


/ 



STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


302 

wretched,” lie would frequently exclaim, amidst the 
paroxysms of pain, u is the man who seeks death, but 
cannot find it.” Often would he earnestly entreat his 
domestics and attendants to dispatch him, or furnish him 
with the means of self-destruction. But these were 
strictly prohibited by his successor, who employed all 
the arguments, arid administered all the consolations 
which philosophy suggested, to reconcile Adrian to his 
lot, and induce him to bear his afflictions witfi greater 
constancy and patience. At length the moment arrived 
so ardently desired, in which his mortal sufferings ter¬ 
minated, and it is both interesting and melancholy to learn, 
what were his reflections in the prospect of dissolution, 
from his own lips. He expired repeat ing those celebrated 
lines,* addressed to his departing spirit, which have been 
thus happily translated by one of our own poets : 

O fleeting spirit, wandering fire. 

That long hast warmed my lender breast; 

Wilt thou no more my frame inspire? 

No-more a pleasing cheerful guest? 

Whither, ah! whither art thou flying? 

To what dark, undiscovered shore? 

Thou seemst all trembling, shivering, dying, 

And wit and humour are no more ! 

Pope. 

Adrian swayed the imperial sceptre nearly twenty- 
two years. In the beginning of his reign he followed the 
example of his predecessor in persecuting the Christians, 
though not with equal severity; but towards its close, he 
instructed the governors of the provinces, “ not to inflict 
punishments on persons of tins sect, unless they had in 
other respects violated the laws of Rome.” 

Tacit. Annal. ct Agric. Plin. op. in paneg. et epist. Dio. 
lib. 68, GO. Aurel. Viet. Eutrop. in Traj. Euseb. Op. &c. 


* Animula vagula, blandula, 
Kospes comesque corporis; 
Quae nuno ahibis in loca? 
Pallidula, rigida, nudula, 
Nec, ut soles, dabis jocos. 




ESSAY VII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


303 


REFLECTIONS. 

If nothing had been related of the Emperor Nerva, 
but that he redressed the wrongs of the persecuted sect 
of Christians, and protected them in the exercise of their 
religious worship; this alone had been sufficient to prove 
Iiis political wisdom, no less than his regard to justice 
and equity. A multitude of facts, which might be col¬ 
lected from ancient and modern history, concur to 
prove, that no measure can be more impolitic, as well as 
unjust, than the attempt to impose fetters on conscience, 
and to interfere in any other way than by moral suasion, 
with the right of private judgment in religious matters. 
Such interference has ever proved the fruitful source of civil 
dissension, and weakened, if not subverted, the govern¬ 
ments which resorted to it for protection. It has long been 
the glory of the British constitution, and has contributed 
in no small degree to its vigour and perpetuity, that the 
rights of conscience are recognized, and the unrestrained 
exercise of those rights protected, by its mild and tolerant 
laws. So long as this truly Christian spirit shall pervade 
the counsels, and influence the conduct of those who 
preside over our heaven-protected empire, it cannot fail 
to be united and invulnerable; fearless alike of external 
dangers, and of intestine divisions. 

No maxim could be more unexceptionable, if it had 
been uniformly acted upon, than that by which Trajan 
professed to regulate his public conduct. It was in 
reality the law of Christianity, which requires us “ to do 
to all men as we would they should do to us;” a law 
which, if universally observed, would prevent all the 
calamities of war, extinguish all the flames of persecu¬ 
tion, and produce universal harmony. But how could 
Trajan reconcile with this golden rule, his invasion and 
conquest of remote and unoffending tribes, from motives 
of ambition alone? How could he justify upon this 
principle his instructions to Pliny, to punish with death, 
a people, who were stated to be harmless and moral, and 
against whom no charge could be brought, “except 





304 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK 111.- 

concerning the law of 1 heir God.” Justly did the cele¬ 
brated Christian Apologist Tertullian, animadvert upon 
this flagrant violation of his own boasted maxim, by 
saying in his address to that monarch, 4< If these Chris- 
tians are guilty, why forbid any search to be made 
after them—but if innocent, wiiy command them to be 
punished ?” Or how could it be reconciled with this 
self-evident rule of duty, that the venerable Ignatius 
should be forced from his beloved flock by the express 
orders of Trajan, and conveyed from Antioch to Rome, 
that he might be publicly exhibited in the amphitheatre, 
at fourscore years of age, and devoured by lions, for the 
entertainment of the people? Was it possible that the 
judgment of this otherwise enlightened monarch could 
be so perverted, and blinded by superstitious prejudices, 
as to imagine, that, in these instances, he acted towards 
his subjects as he would have wished his prince to act 
towards himself, if he had occupied an inferior station ? 

Thus does it often appear, that the most excellent 
rules are adopted in theory, but violated in practice. 
Seldom is it found, that the heart and conduct keep 
pace with the understanding. On the contrary, nothing 
is more common than to acknowledge the existence of 
sacred obligations and moral duties, which are habitually 
disregarded, and willingly neglected. The accusation 
brought by an inspired apostle against such characters, 
still applies to every class of insincere and immoral pre¬ 
tenders to religion. “ They profess that they know God, 
but in works they deny him.” 44 They know the judg¬ 
ment of God, that they which commit such things are 
worthy of death, yet not only do the same, but take 
pleasure in them that do them.” 

The reign of the Emperor Adrian was considered un¬ 
usually splendid. He filled not his capital alone, but 
almost every province of his vast empire, with monu¬ 
ments of his greatness. Temples, aqueducts, columns, 
bridges, and even cities, were built by him in distant 
parts of the world, which long continued to bear his 
name. It is probable, that in his progress through his 
imperial dominions, when these memorials of his power 
and wealth attracted his eye, many a vain-glorious 


ESSAY VII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 305 

thought occurred, like that of Nebuchadnezzar, when 
walking in his palace, “ Is not this great Babylon that I 
have built for the house of the kingdom, by the might of 
my power, and for the honour of my majesty ?” But, 
like the haughty Assyrian monarch, Adrian also was 
most effectually humbled. While these imaginations 
were in the king’s heart, and many other magnificent 
projects suggested themselves to his vain and aspiring 
mind, u there fell a voice from heaven”—the voice of 
God by his providential dispensations, saying, “ O 
King, to thee it is spoken; the kingdom is departed from 
thee.” Diseases the most intolerable and loathsome 
quickly reduced this vain-glorious monarch to a condi¬ 
tion that called for the commiseration of his meanest 
subjects, and constrained him to desire with the utmost 
impatience the moment of release. And when that mo¬ 
ment arrived, so long expected, so ardently desired— 
how full of gloom and melancholy uncertainty did the 
prospect of immortality appear! with what trembling 
apprehension did he stand on the fearful verge! All * 
how unlike this impatient and cowardly spirit, which 
dreaded equally the sufferings of this life, and the dark¬ 
ness of futurity—to the unshaken constancy with which 
the servants of Christ in that and subsequent ages en¬ 
dured the most excruciating tortures; and the holy 
ardour with which they rushed forward to grasp the 
coveted crown of martyrdom! Such will ever be the 
difference between the subjects of “a hope full of im¬ 
mortality,” and those who have “ no hope and are with¬ 
out God in the world.” In the one case, 

The holy triumphs of their soul 
Will death itself outbrave; 

Leave dull mortality behind. 

And fly beyond the grave : 

but in the other, how frequently has the melancholy con¬ 
trast described by the same sacred poet, been realized,— 

' The timorous mortals start and shrink, 

To cross this narrow sea, 

And linger shivering on the brink, 

Afraid to launch away. Watts. 


306 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK in. 


ESSAY VIII. 

On the Government of the Antonines, 
from A. D. 139—181. 

The period to which the present essay refers, has 
been called, and not without reason, the golden age of 
Rome. If Adrian had conferred no other benefit on his 
country, than that of nominating Titus Antoninus, 
(surnamed the Pious,) and Marcus Aurelius, (sur- 
named Antoninus Phi/osophus,) to succeed him, lie would 
have been entitled to its warmest gratitude.. No choice 
could have been more disinterested in itself, or more 
beneficial in its results. The former of these princes 
was a native of Nismes in Gaul, but descended from an 
illustrious family, several branches of which had held 
important offices in the state. Antoninus had been brought 
forward by Adrian many years before the death of that 
monarch, and entrusted with the highest dignities in the 
empire. He was fifty years of age, when he came into 
full possession of the imperial authority, the duties of 
which had in a great measure devolved on him previ¬ 
ously to the decease of the late Emperor. As the excel¬ 
lency of his character was well known, the highest 
expectations were entertained respecting the wisdom of 
his future administration ; nor were those expectations 
disappointed. For though few of the events of his reign 
are now known, and, if they had been minutely preserved, 
would probably have been far less splendid than those of 
his predecessor; yet the general character which has 
been given, both by heathen and Christian writers of 
this excellent prince, abundantly proves that his go¬ 
vernment was wise, liberal, and enlightened. 

His first care was to fill up all offices, domestic and 
foreign, with men of probit}' and virtue. Those who 
had been arbitrary and oppressive, were dismissed, after 
having been required to restore their ill-gotten gains, 
and replaced by men, whose integrity had been tried, 


ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


SOT 


and whose talents were approved. Of his private pro¬ 
perty lie was most liberal, ever ready to relieve the neces¬ 
sitous, and reward the deserving; but of the public 
revenue, he was rigidly economical, avoiding all osten¬ 
tatious display, and all unnecessary wars, that his subjects 
might not be burdened with imposts and taxes. Yet if 
it became necessary to arm for the defence of the Koman 
provinces, or the suppression of dangerous revolts, he 
was not backward to employ (lie energies of the empire, 
and the abundant resources of his treasury in these enter¬ 
prises. Thus, at different periods of his prosperous 
reign, insurrections were quelled in Britain, Germany, 
and Dacia, with a promptitude and vigour, that had the 
most salutary influence upon other provinces and tribu¬ 
tary states. Awed by the virtues of the monarch, no 
less than by the vigour of his arms, remote nations soli¬ 
cited his friendship, and referred their most important 
concerns to his arbitration. Many foreign princes waited 
upon him in person, and others dispatched ambassa¬ 
dors from distant climes, to do him homage and seek his 
alliance. 

But the measure which reflects the greatest lustre 
upon the administration of Antoninus, was, the celebrated 
rescript issued in favour of the Christians; which com¬ 
manded that <6 if any of his subjects should disturb 
persons of this sect, merely on account of their religion, 
the informer should himself undergo the punishment, 
which was intended for the accused.” From this decree 
it is evident that the spirit of persecution continued to 
rage, though all intolerant laws had been repealed ; arid 
that it was necessary to adopt severe measures to repress 
and subdue it. That such was the prevailing dispo¬ 
sition of the times is confirmed by the letters written 
to Athens, Thessalonica, Larissa, and several other cities 
of Greece, in favour of this persecuted sect, by Antoninus 
himself; in consequence of which, the churches had rest 
through the remaining years of his reign .* 

* This favourable impression was probably made upon the 
Bmperor’s mind by the memorable apology of Justin Martyr, 
which was addressed about that time to Antoninus, M. Aurelius, 
and the senate and people of Rome; and in which that il- 




308 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


Yet though this prince was so tolerant towards the 
Christians, he was a devotee of the strictest order to 
Paganism, and all its idolatrous rites. He personally 
discharged the duties of the High-Priesthood; an office 
which ail his predecessors had nominally borne, but to 
the ordinary functions of which they had never attended. 
Antoninus, however, strictly conformed to all the super¬ 
stitious ceremonies, which ancient custom had established; 
and never failed, amidst the pressure of his imperial 
duties, to fulfil those of a religious nature which de¬ 
volved upon him, and which he considered as of higher 
and more sacred obligation. This uniform attention 
to the rites of a superstitious religion, in addition to his 
reverence for the memory of his adopted Father, gained 
him the appellation of Pious , by which he is usually 
distinguished from his successor. After having filled 
the throne with dignity and honour nearly twenty-three 
years, this amiable sovereign died of a malignant fever 
in the 75th year of his age. The motto given with his 
latest breath to one of his tribunes as a watchword, 
u equanimity was characteristic both of the system of 
philosophy he had imbibed, and the general habits of 
his life. One sentiment which was uttered by him in 
reply to some who had highly commended the valour of 
Julius Caesar and other celebrated warriors, is too excel¬ 
lent to be forgotten. u I had rather,” said this pacific 
and humane emperor, a be the instrument of preserving 
the life of one of my subjects, than occasion the death of 
thousands of my enemies.” 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who had been 
adopted by Antoninus Pius at Adrian’s request, together 
w ith Lucius Yerus, a prince of a dissolute and unworthy 
character, ascended the throne at forty years of age, and 
his colleague at about thirty-three. Then for the first 
time the Roman empire was governed by two sovereigns, 


lustrious champion of the Christian Faith fully vindicates his 
brethren from the accusations of their enemies; states and ex¬ 
plains the practices of the primitive Christians in their public 
assemblies ; and urges the injustice of condemning them without 
proof of their guilt. 




ESSAY VIII. 


THE “HISTORY OF ROME. 


309 


one of whom has been classed with the most excellent, 
and the other, the most worthless of princes. Of the 
latter, it will be sufficient to say, that he continued nine 
years associated with Aurelius in the government of the 
empire, the whole of which period was spent in a course 
of dissipation and excess, that shortened his days, and 
covered his memory with disgrace. But as his imperial 
colleague must be contemplated in the double character 
of a philosopher and prince, and as the experiment 
has been seldom tried of applying philosophical science 
to the purposes of administration, it may be interesting 
and instructive to enter more fully into the character and 
public conduct of this monarch, than the events of his 
reign would otherwise justify. 

Aurelius had been educated by Adrian with the 
utmost care and attention, who employed the first scholars 
of the age to instruct him in every branch of literature. 
His principal philosophical preceptors were Apollonius 
Sextus, Junius liusticus, Claudius Maximus, Cinsia Ca¬ 
tullus, and Claudius Severus; his rhetorical teachers 
were Herodes Atticus and M. Cornelius Fronto; and to 
Volusius Ma^cianus, the most learned civilian of that 
day, was committed tile important task of preparing 
him for public life, by instructing him in the laws of that 
empire, which he was destined to govern. Though his 
attainments were considerable in every department of 
literature, philosophy was that in which he most de¬ 
lighted. He made himself thoroughly acquainted with 
the tenets of all the different sects, but attached himself 
more particularly to that of the Stoics, whose severe and 
self-denying habits he early adopted, and continued to 
practise through life. To so great an extreme did he 
carry these austerities, that his constitution, though na¬ 
turally robust and vigorous, was gradually undermined, 
and his health impaired, before he had arrived at ma¬ 
turity; yet neither bodily infirmity nor mental ex¬ 
haustion could abate the ardour of his literary pursuit. 

In such severe studies, mingled indeed with the 
engagements of those public stations, which lie repeatedly 
filled with reputation to himself, and benefit to his 
country, Aurelius was constantly employed during the 




310 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK III, 

reign of Antoninus Pius ; and even alter that period, he 
withdrew as often as circumstances would permit, to his 
favourite retirement, that he might enjoy the select so¬ 
ciety of his literary friends. But when called to the 
administration of an empire which embraced almost the 
whole world, he felt the necessity of applying himself 
with diligence to its numerous and weighty concerns; 
and of calling to his aid the wisest counsellors and ablest 
statesmen in his realm. Though a lover of peace, and 
disposed to make considerable sacrifices for its preser¬ 
vation, the greater part of his reign was tumultuous, and 
sanguinary. The frontier provinces of the empire were 
continually harassed by immense numbers of barbarians, 
who poured their countless myriads into the Roman ter¬ 
ritories, assailed them on every side, and, when repelled 
in one quarter, penetrated in another, with augmented 
numbers and unabated fury. The Parthians, the Catti, 
the Quadi, the Marcomanni, the Sarmatians, and many 
other barbarous tribes, whose names are now scarcely $ 
known, almost at the same instant, either revolted from 
under the Roman yoke, or invaded the empire, as if by 
mutual consent. The most approved generals were sent 
with detachments to repel the weaker and less formidable 
of these adversaries; but Aurelius himself marched at 
the head of his best legions, to encounter those which 
excited most alarm. To meet the exigencies of this 
general war, it became necessary to arm the gladiators, 
and enlist the slaves belonging to the principal families 
in Rome; a measure which had never been resorted to, 
but during Hannibal’s invasion of Italy in the second 
Punic war. That its expences might not press too 
heavily upon his subjects, Antoninus imitated the ex¬ 
amples of Nerva and Trajan, by publicly selling all his 
jewels, the vessels of gold and silver, the valuable paint¬ 
ings, and all the costly furniture which his palaces con¬ 
tained, the amount of which, it is said, was sufficient to 
defray all the charges of the war. 

In these enterprises, the Emperor exposed himself, in 
common with his soldiers, to the greatest dangers and 
hardships; the rigours of which his enfeebled constitution 
could scarcely sustain, though they served to animate the 


ESSAY VIII. THE HISTORY OF ROME* 311 

troops under his command to greater exertions. On se¬ 
veral occasions he was in imminent danger of being taken 
by the enemy, with whose modes of warfare and treacher¬ 
ous artifices, he was not sufficiently acquainted. Yet 
amidst all these exertions, he seems to have relied more 
upon superstitious rites and idolatrous sacrifices, than 
upon the valour of his troops, or even his philosophy 
itself. Priests of every order, and belonging to each of 
the deities acknowledged by the Romans, were assembled 
from all parts, to offer sacrifices, and make expiation tor 
the sins which occasioned these calamities. Amongst 
other expedients adopted on this occasion for the purpose 
of propitiating the offended gods of Rome, that of perse¬ 
cuting the Christians, whose numbers had greatly in¬ 
creased m every part of the empire, was one, upon which 
great reliance was placed. It was imagined by the Em¬ 
peror and his counsellors that the more these enemies of 
idolatry were tortured and destroyed, the more certain 
would be the success of his arms. Every new danger 
therefore, and every additional instance of revolr, caused 
the flames of persecution which a blind and bigotted zeal 
had enkindled, to rage witii more destructive violence. 

In th is fourth general persecution of the Christians, 
which disgraced the reign of this philosophical Emperor, 
many eminent disciples of Christ suffered martyrdom; 
but none more eminent than that celebrated Christian 
apologist whose name has been already mentioned. Justin 
Martyr, who had so successfully pleaded the cause of his 
divine Master and of his persecuted brethren, in the 
former reign, now took up his pen again to write a 
second apology, which was also addressed to the Emperor 
and his ministers of state. But it had no other effect 
than that of marking him out as a victim more acceptable 
to the gods, and consequently to be first sacrificed. 
Noble was the confession made by this illustrious cham¬ 
pion when brought before the prefect of the city; such 
as to astonish and confound his adversaries, but not to 
shelter him from their malice. He, and many others, 
who persisted in their refusal to offer sacrifices to idols, 
were first lacerated by the scourge, and afterwards be¬ 
headed in prison. A short time after this event, the 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


312 


venerable Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, was apprehended 
by the proconsular governor of that city, and after having 
been urged in vain by threats and promises to abandon 
the Christian cause, committed to the flumes. Nor were 
these sanguinary proceedings confined to the metropolis, 
or the eastern provinces of the empire. The desolating 
flame spread through all its departments, and extended 
even to the remotest parts of Gaul and Germany, to 
which the Christians had been driven by former perse¬ 
cutions, and where many whose names are recorded in 
heaven, though little known on earth, passed from the 
rack, the gibbet, or the stake, to the possession of their 
celestial inheritance. 

Towards the end of the reign of Aurelius Antoninus, 
his persecution of the Christians became less severe, which 
is attributed bv some of the ecclesiastical historians to a 

%r 

remarkable deliverance obtained by the prayers of a body 
of Christians, who were in one of the Emperor’s legions. 
When, on one occasion, his army was reduced to the 
utmost distress, hemmed in on every side, and cut off 
from all supply; when despair was written on every 
countenance, and nothing but groans and lamentations 
were heard in the Roman camp; these Christians betook 
themselves to prayer, and while they prayed, rain de¬ 
scended in torrents to slake their thirst; a tremendous 
storm of thunder and hail terrified and dispersed the 
fierce invaders ; and the Romans obtained a most unex¬ 
pected but complete victory. This interposition of 
Providence in answer to prayer, is said to have attracted 
the attention of the Emperor himself, and induced him 
to treat the Christians, to whom he was indebted for his 
success, with less cruelty, though his persecuting edicts 
were not revoked. 

About the same time, Avidius Cassius, a general in 
whom Aurelius had placed the utmost confidence, and to 
whom the government of Syria was entrusted, revolted 
from his sovereign, and caused himself to be proclaimed 
Emperor by his troops. The military reputation of this 
general, and his connections by birth, and long-con¬ 
tinued residence in Syria, gave him so great an ascend¬ 
ancy in those parts, that it seemed at one time doubtful, 


ESSAY VIII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 313 

■whether he might not ultimately obtain the imperial govern¬ 
ment ; but after having erected the standard of revolt about 
three months, he was killed by two of his soldiers of subor¬ 
dinate rank. His death was deeply regretted by Aurelius, 
who hoped to have had the satisfaction of forgiving him, 
and thus transforming an enemy into a friend. He 
shewed the utmost kindness to the widow and family 
of this usurper, and strictly prohibited that any one who 
was supposed to be implicated in this rebellion, whether 
of senatorial or inferior rank, should be punished or 
degraded. The only notice which he publicly took of 
this transaction was, to decree that in future no governor 
should preside over the province in which he was born. 

The last days of this prince were disturbed by many 
painful circumstances. The barbarian invaders, though 
repulsed, were not vanquished—many of the provinces 
were still in an unsettled state, and evidently inclined to 
revolt—Carthage, Ephesus, Nicomedia, and Smyrna, 
were successively laid in ruins by fire or earthquakes— 
and, to crown all his sorrows, his son Commodus, whom 
he intended to succeed him in the government, became 
so openly and grossly depraved, that the Emperor was 
often heard to express bis fears, that the Roman empire 
itself would scarcely contain his vices. His latest breath 
however was employed in pressing upon the attention of 
this unworthy son, those maxims of philosophy and rules 
of government, by which his own public and private 
conduct had been regulated—in pointing out the dangers 
of tyranny, the miseries of vice, and the necessity of 
surrounding his throne with wise and able counsellors. 
After a reign of nineteen years, which has been greatly 
extolled by heathen writers, and which even Christian 
historians have not severely condemned, this imperial 
philosopher expired, and was immediately enrolled by 
his idolatrous subjects among the gods. The u Medita¬ 
tions'’ of Marcus Aurelius, in twelve books, consisting of 
moral maxims, and rules for the conduct of life, have 
been preserved and greatly admired, 

Dio. Cass. lib. 70, 71, Aurel, Tick Entrop, Lucian. Euseb, 
•Justin, Apolog, &o. 


V 




STUDIES IN HISTORY - . 


.BOOK III. 


3lb 


BE FLECTION S. 

Many valuable bints of instruction are suggested by 
the preceding facts, suited to every class of character, 
xind every condition in human life. Princes might study 
with advantage the examples of these monarchs; and 
especially of the former, in whom there was much to 
merit the attention and imitation of all succeeding sove¬ 
reigns. From him, though an heathen emperor, chris- 
lian potentates might derive lessons of practical wisdom, 
the results of which would be most honourable to them¬ 
selves, and beneficial to their subjects. Under the 
salutary influence of such an example, they would be 
impressed with the necessity of entrusting the concerns 
of their empire to none, but men of approved integrity 
and uprightness ; they would be careful to diminish the 
pressure of public burthens, by a rigid economy, and 
oven by the greatest personal sacrifices; they would 
avoid engaging in unnecessary wars, which have their 
origin in an unprincipled ambition, and involve those iu 
calamity and deep, distress, whom they are bound to 
cherish and protect; they would exercise clemency and 
kindness towards their personal and public enemies; and 
in a word, they would desire continually to live in the 
affections of their subjects, rather than extort by terror a 
reluctant obedience to their authority. 

Those too who are placed in private stations, might 
derive benefit from the contemplation of such an excellent 
model of heathen morality. The opulent might learn the 
right use of wealth, which is not intended by the Author 
of all good for private gratification alone ; much less for 
ostentatious display; but is chiefly designed to enable 
its possessors, by works of benevolence and mercy, to 
administer to the wants of the necessitous, and at the 
same time to gratify the feelings of a compassionate 
Iieart. Those who are immersed in business might learn, 
even from an idolater, that no ordinary occupations, 
liowever urgent they may appear, should at any time be, 
allowed to interrupt or prevent the regular discharge of 


ESSAY VIII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


315 


religious duties; for the most important of the former 
engagements are but of temporary interest, and cannot 
therefore admit of a comparison with the higher and 
more sacred obligations of the divine law. Men of science 
and erudition may in like mariner infer from these 
bright examples, that wisdom consists not so much in 
abstruse speculations, as in active usefulness; and that 
knowledge is most valuable, when rightly applied, and 
when its influence is exerted for the execution, as well 
as the discovery of beneficial designs. 

The contrast was most striking between the general 
character of Marcus Aurelius, and his conduct towards 
his Christian subjects. In all other respects he was 
generous, humane, and compassionate. To his worst 
enemies lie was placable and kind ; but to the unoffending 
followers of the meek and lowly Jesus, he was a most 
sanguinary persecutor. In other respects he was guided 
by the example of his revered predecessor, Antoninus 
Pius, but in this he acted in direct opposition both to 
the humanity of his own disposition, and the authority 
of that example. How is this to be accounted for? The 
impulse of a blind and bigotted zeal will in part explain 
the cause of these excesses, by which the wisest as well 
as the most foolish of mankind have frequently been 
borne along to the commission of crimes, which otherwise 
they would have despised and hated. But this wild and 
irregular impulse will scarcely account for nineteen 
years of deliberate and systematic violence, which re¬ 
sisted all conviction, and triumphed over the feelings of 
a benevolent mind. The apostle’s slatement on this sub¬ 
ject, and that alone, will fully solve the mystery : “ The 
carnal mind is enmity against God.”* 


* The Author with much pleasure embraces this opportunity 
of introducing the pious and excellent remarks of a modern eccle¬ 
siastical historian upon the character of Aurelius Antoninus, and 
1 the causes of the persecuting spirit he discovered. “ I think it 
impossible,” says the judicious Milner, “ to solve the pheno¬ 
menon on any other principles than those by whioh the enmity of 
many philosophers of old, and of many devotees and exact 
moralists of modern times against the Christian religion, is to be 
explained. The Gospel is not only in its QWft nature distinct 







316 * STUD ITS S IN HISTORY. HOOK III. 

In Marcus Aurelius we have seen philosophy in¬ 
vested with imperial dignity; but in Justin Martyr, it is 
presented to our view in a far more interesting relation. 
That exemplary saint was a Christian Philosopher. He 
was deeply read in all the learning of the age in which 
he lived, and brought all to bear with effect upon the 
hallowed cause to which he had devoted his life. An 


from careless and dissolute vice, but also from the whole religion 
of philosophers, I mean of those who form to themselves a religion 
tfom natural and self-devised sources, either in opposition to or 
with the neglect of the revealed Word of God, and the influence 
of his Holy Spirit, applying that word to the heart of man. In all 
ages it will be found that the more strenuously men support such 
religion, the more vehemently do they hate Christianity. Their 
religion is pride and self-importance, denies the fallen state of 
man, the provision and efficacy of grace, and the glory of God 
and the Redeemer. The enmity hence occasioned is obvious. It 
must be considered then that Marcus Antoninus Was of the 
Stoical sect, who carried self-sufficiency to the utmost pitch. He 
fancied that he carried God within him. Like most of the philo¬ 
sophers, he held the doctrine of the inward deity , but he held it in 
all its detestable impiety and arrogance. With him to be good 
and virtuous was the easiest thing in the world; it w r as only to 
follow nature, and to obey the dictates of the deity, man’s own 
soul, which was divine and self-sufficient. He could not with 
these views be humble, nor pray earnestly, nor feel his owil 
internal wickedness and misery, nor bear the idea of a Saviour 
-and Mediator. Had he contented himself with Pius to be a 
vulgar person in religion, the humanity of bis nature, especially if 
aided by an equally sound understanding, (but of that I have 
some doubt,) would probably have led him, like Pius, to have 
respected the excellent character and virtues of Christians, and 
2ie w r ou!d have felt it his duty to have protected such peaceable 
and deserving subjects. But the pride of philosophy seems to have 
been hurt. Whoever has attended to the spirit of his twelve 
books of Meditations, and duly compared them with the doctrine 
©f the Gospel, must see them to be totally opposite, and will not 
wonder that Christians felt from a sdrious Stoic what might have 
been expected from a flagitious Nero. Pride and licentiousness 
are equally condemned by the Gospel, and equally seek revenge. 
If this be a true state of the case, the philosophic spirit, stated as 
above, however differently modified in different ages, will always 
be inimical to the Gospel, and the best of moralists will be found 
In union with the worst of villains on this subject. 4 Beware of 
philosophy,’ is a precept which as much calls for our attention 
now as ever.” Milner’s Church History, Yol. I. p. 223,224. 





ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 317 

accomplished scholar, as well as a zealous and decided 
Christian, he seemed to be raised up by the Divine Head 
of the Church, for the express purpose of combating 
philosophy with her own weapons; and exhibiting to 
mankind an example, similar to that of the holy Apostle 
to the Gentiles, of one, who had been taught to consider 
the greatest literary attainments, but as loss “ for the 
excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus,” 


ESSAY IX. 

On the Homan-Emperors from Commodus to Diocletian. 

from A. D. 180—284. 

The century which the present essay is intended to 
embrace, was a long and dark period, whose history, as 
far as it is either interesting or instructive, lies in a very 
narrow compass. Few are the facts that occurred during 
tills corrupt and degenerate age, which are deserving of 
recollection, or calculated for improvement; and those 
few, belong rather to ecclesiastical, than to profane his¬ 
tory. To attempt a delineation of the characters, or a 
minute detail of the actions of those adventurers, who 
were, in rapid succession, elevated and deposed, crowned 
and assassinated, by a corrupt soldiery, during this 
period, would be worse than trifling, ll would be to 
display objects, and exhibit scenes, which ought to be 
covered with perpetual darkness, and especially which 
cannot be too carefully concealed from the young. Even 
the names of the greater part of these oppressors of man¬ 
kind might be consigned to merited obiivion, together 
with many of those which preceded them ; were they 
not necessary to complete flie series of Roman emperors, 
and essential to an acquaintance with the genera! history 
of that empire. No less than twenty of these imperial 
pageants passed in procession during this century, be¬ 
sides an incredible number of pretenders* usurpers, and 




318 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK III. 


unsuccessful candidates, who aspired to the honours of 
royalty; but amongst all these, there is one alone on 
•whom it is possible to fix the eye with any degree of 
interest or pleasure, and on him, but for a very transient 
season. This prince, whose reign will be more parti¬ 
cularly adverted to hereafter,.was Alexander Severus, a 
youth of not more than sixteen years of age, whose heart 
was too tender, and whose morals were far too pure, for 
the licentious age in which he lived, and the degenerate 
people over whom he reigned. 

Though the character of Commodus was well known, 
and the fears of his father Aurelius respecting him, had 
not been concealed, he found no difficulty in obtaining 
his election to the crown, flis public administration 
was most contemptible; his private conduct, flagitious in 
the extreme; his whole reign, turbulent and disgraceful. 
One public act alone of this profligate monarch deserves 
commendation, and that, because of its beneficial influ¬ 
ence, rather than the motive from which it sprang. lie 
favoured and protected his Christian subjects, who con¬ 
tinued to enjoy rest and prosperity through the whole of 
his reign. But, for this respite from the horrors of per¬ 
secution, they were indebted, not to the humanity of the 
Emperor, and much less to his regard for their holy 
religion ; but it seems he had a favourite mistress, whose 
father had been healed by a Christian physician, and 
who had cherished, on that account, a predilection for 
persons of that sect. This same concubine afterwards 
discovered, that her name was inserted amongst many 
others in the Emperor’s private list of those who were 
intended for execution, and effectually prevented the 
accomplishment of his design, by administering poison 
to her imperial lover. He died in the thirty-first year of 
his age, and thirteenth of his reign. 

Helvius Pertinax, a soldier of obscure birth and 
severe habits, was chosen by the praetorian cohorts to 
succeed him, (A. D. 192;) but almost as soon as he had 
been elected, either offended by his attempts to restrain 
their licentiousness, or by his withholding from them the 
promised largess, they entered his palace in a tumultuous 
manner, and murdered him within three months after 


ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


31# 


they had given him the crown. Rendered insolent by 
the success of their crimes, they now publicly offered the 
empire for sale to the highest bidder ; this proved to be 1 
Didius Julian us, at that time the wealthiest citizen 
of Rome; who stipulated to pay for his imperial ho¬ 
nours a sum nearly equal to a millidn sterling. When 
the disgraceful bargain was made, the new Emperor arro¬ 
gantly entered the Senate-house, and demanded the 
ratification of Hie treaty from the legislative body, who 
were too dependant upon the praetorian soldiers to with¬ 
hold their assent. At the same time, Niger was pro¬ 
claimed Emperor in Syria, Albums in Britain, and 
Severus in Illyria. The latter of these candidates proved 
ultimately successful. His armies bore down all opposi¬ 
tion, and placed him at length (A. D. 195) without a rival 
on the throne. The administration of Severus was 
vigorous, but despotic. It corresponded with his name ; 
for it was characterized throughout by great severity, 
though not by wanton cruelty. After having subdued 
tiie Parthians and Persians, who had availed themselves 
of the late disturbances to revolt; he undertook a British 
expedition, fully determined to complete the subjugation 
of that island, in this enterprise he suffered many hard¬ 
ships, and was exposed to great dangers; his best legions; 
were frequently repulsed by tlie undisciplined valour of 
the Caledonians; but at length he drove them to their 
native wilds, and constructed an immense wall, which 
still bears his name, and which, extending from the 
western to the eastern sea, formed a complete boundary to 
his British dominions. Be died at York in the sixty- 
sixth year of his life, and eighteenth of his reign. Just 
before his death he called for the urn, which was to 
contain his ashes, and taking it in his hands, exclaimed, 
“ Thou little urn, soon shall thou contain all that will 
remain of one, whom the whole world could not con¬ 
tain.” This monarch persecuted with great severity 
both Christians and Jews; many of whom perished 
during his rigorous administration in every part of the 
empire. 

Caracalla and Get a, the two sons of Severus, were 
left by their father (A. D. 211) in the joint administration 


320 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


of the empire; but were no sooner chosen Emperors by 
the army, than jealousies and disagreements arose, which 
their mother in vain attempted to remove. These two 
princes were as opposite in disposition as Titus and Do- 
mitian had been—Caracalla, the most savage and cruel 
of monsters, l hat has ever appeared in human form—and 
Geta, remarkable for mildness and amiableness of temper. 
The former of these sovereigns quickly manifested the 
ferocity of his nature, by murdering his brother Geta in 
his mother’s arms. This atrocious crime was followed 
by a tremendous series of cruelties and murders, which 
filled the empire with blood, during six tedious years, 
when his horrible career was closed by assassination, in 
the thirtieth year of his age. The person who had 
secretly planned the murder of Caracalla, was the indi¬ 
vidual fixed upon by the soldiers to succeed him. His 
name was Macrinus, who associated his son Diadu- 
menus with himself in the administration of the empire. 
The short reign of these Emperors was remarkable for 
nothing but an indiscriminate severity, which irritated, 
without reforming the licentious troops, by whose favour 
they had been raised from obscurity. In the expectation 
of meeting with greater indulgence from a young and 
profligate prince, than from so rigorous a disciplinarian 
as Macrinus, the legions quickly deserted, and raised 
to that imperial dignity a boy fourteen years of age, who 
is supposed to have been a son of Caracalla, by one of 
his concubines. Of this effeminate and most depraved 
- sovereign, whose proper name was Bassianus, but who 
is better known by his assumed title of Hetuogaralus, 
or Priest of the Sun, nothing more need be said than 
that, after a most prodigal, debauched, and impious 
reign of four years, during which he married and di¬ 
vorced six wives, and committed the most horrible 
crimes, lie was murdered by a party of mutinous soldiers, 
in the eighteenth year of his age. He was succeeded by 
Alexander, the youth whose name has been already 
mentioned, as forming the only exception in a series of 
tyrants and despots, which extended from the age of 
the Antonines to that of Constantine. 

Alexander, according to some historians, was six- 











ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 321 

teen, and, according to others, but fourteen years of age, 
when he ascended the throne, (A. D. 23%) which he 
continued to fill about thirteen years with gre t honour 
to himself, and benefit to his country. The excellence 
both of his character and reign is attributed in part 
to the influence of his mother Mammaea, a woman no 
less eminent for her virtues, than for her numerous 
accomplishments. This excellent lady is styled by a 
Christian writer, a very pious and religious woman; by 
some, she is supposed to have embraced the Christian 
religion ; but it is at least certain, that she was well 
acquainted with the doctrines of Christianity, in which 
she was instructed by Origen, who flourished at that 
time. Nor was her son Alexander ignorant of the 
Christian scriptures, as is evident from his quoting on 
almost every occasion, and inscribing upon the Avails 
ot his palace, the evangelical precept : u Do to others, as 
ye would they should do to you;” but instead of being 
a Christian indeed, he profanely mingled Christian with 
pagan rites, and placed the image of Christ in an idol’s 
temple, amongst those of Jupiter, Venus, and other 
heathen deities. 

The object at which this prince incessantly aimed, 
when not engaged in foreign expeditions, was, the re¬ 
formation of public manners, and the removal of those 
abuses which his guilty predecessors had introduced 
and sanctioned. The governors of the provinces and 
ministers of state,who had been appointed to office by 
Heliogabalus, and many of whom were scarcely inferior 
to their patron in prodigality and vice, were all dis¬ 
missed, and reduced to private stations. Such as were 
convicted of bribery and corruption, were punished; and 
persons of acknowledged talent and tried integrity, alone 
were entrusted with the execution of the laws. The 
Senate, which had been greatly degraded by the usurped 
authority of the soldiers, and still more by its own vices, 
was first purified by the exclusion of its most unwor¬ 
thy members, and afterwards reinstated in its former 
honours. It was the constant care of this Emperor to 
reward every species of merit, for which purpose he 
regularly inserted in a book the names of those who had 


322 STUDIES IN IIISTOHY. BOOK Ill. 

rendered any service to their country, that they might 
receive a just remuneration in proportion to the nature 
and extent of their deserts. 

During the reign of this prince, Artaxerxes, king 
of Persia, made a vigorous effort to recover those pro¬ 
vinces which in former ages had belonged to the Persian 
empire, but which had been long subject to the Roman 
yoke. Alexander collected a numerous army, and 
marched to encounter the Persian forces under Artaxerxes, 
whom he completely routed, and returned in triumph 
to his capital. His next expedition was against the 
Parthians, who had recently revolted; in this contest his 
arms were crowned with as signal success as in the 
former. The last foreign enterprise in which he embarked 
was against the northern tribes, who continually poured 
their unnumbered myriads into the provinces of Upper 
and Lower Germany. These were vigorously repulsed 
by Alexander in person ; but in the midst of his suc¬ 
cesses, this excellent young prince and his mother, 
who constantly attended him, were murdered in their 
tent by a band of mutineers, which had been trained 
to habits of licentiousness and profligacy under the 
late Emperor. 

The crown was next given to Maximin, (A. D. 235,) 
a Thracian soldier of obscure birth, who had risen 
to distinction in the Roman army by his personal 
prowess alone. He was of gigantic stature, and pro¬ 
digious strength, which rendered him both before and 
after his elevation, a terror to all who approached him. 
His reign was remarkable for cruelty, in which he sur¬ 
passed even the most savage and inhuman of his pre¬ 
decessors. It was also disgraced by the sixth general 
persecution of the Christians, which was principally 
directed against the pastors or bishops of the Churches, 
many of whom now suffered martyrdom. The Senate 
steadily refused their assent to his election, which so 
greatly enraged this furious despot, that he hastened 
with his troops to deluge the capital with blood ; when 
bis attention was diverted by an insurrection in Africa, 
where the elder and younger Gordian had been pro¬ 
claimed Emperors. These unhappy candidates for ira- 





ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF HOME. 


323 


penal honours were soon killed by one of Maximin’s 
generals, and now the Senate and people of Home were 
expecting nothing but destruction; when, to their inex¬ 
pressible joy, they heard that this inhuman monster had 
been killed by his own guard, as he was sleeping in his 
tent. 1 his happy event took place alter an usurpation 
of about three years, in the sixty-fifth year of his age. 
Pupienus and Balbinus had been chosen Emperors by 
the Senate previously to Maximin's d< ath, who were no 
sooner d divered from their fears of the common tyrant, 
than they began to dispute between themselves, each one 
claiming the pre-eminence. Whilst this impolitic and 
disgraceful controversy was pending, both parties were 
attacked and destroyed by the praetorian soldiers, who 
again availed themselves of the unsettled state of the 
empire, to exercise their assumed right of placing a 
sovereign upon the throne. 

Gordian, a grandson of the elder Gordian, who 
had been killed in Africa, was accidentally met by these 
soldiers, after they had perpetrated the murder of the 
two late Emperors, and immediately proclaimed in their 
stead. His reign was short and devoid of interest; 
lie was a man of some learning, and compared with most 
of his predecessors in the government, of virtuous habits; 
but too inexperienced and feeble to make an effectual 
stand against domestic corruptions and foreign invaders. 
He is supposed to have been poisoned by Philip, art 
Arabian, alter having occupied the throne about six 
years, in the twenty-second year of bis age. Philip, 
the supposed murderer of Gordian, succeeded him, A. D. 
243 His government of the empire is characterized by 
nothing but a splendid celebration of the secular games, 
on account of a thousand years having revolved since 
the building of the city ; and by the continual incursions 
of the Goths, who were successfully opposed by Decius 
his lieutenant, an ambitious general, who was so flushed 
with his success, as to cause himself immediately to be 
proclaimed Emperor. The army espoused his cause; 
Philip was dethroned and killed in the fifth year of 
his reign, and Decius, on his arrival at Rome, was 
acknowledged by the Senate. This was a martial and 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 111. 


324 


energetic reign, entirely occupied with efforts to repel 
the Goths, and other numerous tribes of invaders, who 
assailed the empire in every quarter, and committed 
dreadful ravages. But it was still more dishonoured by 
the most sanguinary persecution of the Christians, with 
which they had ever been visited. This is called by 
ecclesiastical historians, the seventh general persecution ; 
in which the most horrible tortures were invented; and 
barbarities, that almost exceed credibility, were prac¬ 
tised. It appears to have been the determination of 
Declu>, to exterminate the whole body of Christians, and 
leave no trace of a sect against which he had imbibed an 
inveterate enmity. But his career was suddenly ter¬ 
minated by an unsuccessful engagement with the Goths, 
to escape from whose hands he plunged into a morass, 
in which lie was so completely ingulphed, that his body 
could never be found. His reign did not exceed two 
years and six months. 

Gall us, who had treacherously betrayed his im¬ 
perial master, and occasioned the death of many 
thousands of his countrymen, after having concluded 
a most dishonourable peace with the fierce invaders, 
to whom the Romans agreed to pay an annual tribute, 
was rewarded for his services by being made Emperor. 
After little more than two years he was killed in battle, 
and succeeded by Valerian, (A. D. 259,) in whose 
reign the eighth general persecution of the Christians 
took place. The end of this persecutor was remarkable; 
for, being taken prisoner by Sapor, king of Persia, that 
haughty monarch made the Roman emperor his footstool, 
whenever he mounted his horse; and, after seven years 
of degradation and insult, plucked out his eyes, and 
head him alive. The captivity of Valerian occasioned 
the elevation of his son Galeienus, who, instead of 
taking measures to obtain his father’s release, gave him¬ 
self up to dissipation and sensuality. At the same time, 
in different parts of the Roman empire, there were no 
less than thirty adventurers, who aspired to the crown. 
These pretenders, who are commonly known by the 
appellation of the thirty tyrants , supported their claims 
by force of arms for a short time, but soon returned 



ESSAY IX. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


323 


to the obscurity whence they arose. Gallienus having 
been killed by his own soldiers when engaged in the 
siege of Milan, was succeeded by Claudius, (A. D. 
268,) whose reign was chiefly occupied with repelling 
the attacks of the Gothic invaders, who now made it 
their annual custom to invade the Roman empire with 
immense armies. Whilst engaged in one of these enter¬ 
prises, he was seized w ith a mal.gnant fever in Pannonia, 
which terminated a reign of little more than two years. 
Aurelian was next chosen by the army, on account of 
his military talents. He is celebrated tor having killed 
more than nine hundred enemies at different times with 
his own hand, and also as the conqueror of Zenobia, 
a royal heroine, who long withstood the Roman arms, 
but was at length taken prisoner, and graced the triumph 
of Aurelian. Her secretary, the celebrated Longinus, 
was cruelly put to deal!) by order of the Roman emperor. 
It is remarkable, that this cruel warrior was meditating a 
revival of the persecuting edicts against the Christians, 
and actually employed, in issuing orders to that effect, 
when he was deterred from the execution of this cruel 
purpose by a thunderbolt, which entered the imperial 
tent, and fell at the leet of the monarch. His cruelties 
led to a conspiracy amongst his principal officers, 
several of whom he had marked for destruction, by 
whom he was assassinated, (A. D. 275,) after having 
reigned five years. 

The aged Emperor Tacitus stands next in the list of 
those who swayed the imperial sceptre at Rome. He 
was no less than seventy-five years of age, when he was 
induced by the urgent entreat cs of the Senate to charge 
himself with the administration. His measures were so 
wise, his habits so temperate, and his disposition so 
amiable, that his death, which took place within six 
months of his accession to the throne, was universally 
and deeply regrette d. Probus was next chosen on 
account of his name, as it was agreed by all that 
probiti/ was most desirable in an Emperor. His reign 
was vigorous; his military talents commanded the re¬ 
spect of the enemies of the state, and his moderation, 
that of his own subjects. Yet he was continually cm- 





STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


326 


glOOK III. 


ployed in suppressing* rebellions, and encountering pre¬ 
tenders to the crown. He was slain by some ol ios soldiers, 
whom he had offended by employing them in draining a 
fen; thus terminating an aciive and tumultuous reign of 
six years and four months. The following Emperor 
Cauus associated his two sons Carinus and Numeri in 
with himself in the government of the empire. His 
reign, and that of his two sons, were short, and wholly 
destitute of interest. Cams was killed by lightning in 
his tent; Numerian was assassinated by his father-in- 
law Aper, who aspired to the crown; but was defeated 
in his expectations by the intrepidity of Diocletian, 
who- .slew the murderer, and afterwards ascended the 
throne with the concurrent approbation of the army 
and senate. Carinas, likewise, the only remaining soil 
of Cams, who had rendered himself odious by his vices, 
was soon afterwards defeated and killed, leaving to 
Diocletian the undisputed sovereignty of an unwieldy 
and tottering empire. 


Dio. Cass. lib. 73. ad fin. Ammian. Marcell. Aurel. Viet. 
• Eatrop. Hesiod. Euseb. et Zoskn. Oper. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The cursory view which has been taken of the state 
of the Roman empire, and character of its sovereigns, 
during a long series of years, fully justifies and cor¬ 
roborates the declaration of an inspired writer, who lias 
affirmed, that u the whole world lieth in wickedness.” 
The holy Apostle, who has borne this affecting testimony 
to the doctrine of human depravity, lived at no remote 
period from that lo which the present essay refers. He 
was not ignorant of the state of society and manners 
throughout the Roman empire, in part of which he lived 
and laboured to a very advanced age ; and it is not 
improbable that, in the passage which lias been cited, he 
bad a more particular reference to the moral condition of 
that empire, which then embraced almost the whole 




ESSAY IX. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 327 

•world. If Hie manners of the great have a powerful, 
an irresistible influence upon tlie subordinate classes of 
society^—it the chancier of princes and statesmen forms 
an index by which to discover, with any degree of 
accuracy, the national character of the people over 
whom they rule—or if the diseased state of the head 
and heart may be supposed to affect the whole constitu¬ 
tion of the social body—may it not be inferred, that 
never was there a people more deeply depraved, or 
a state of society more vitiated and impure than that of 
the Romans at this period ? But is the dreadful prepon¬ 
derance of vice over virtue, to be accounted tiie dis¬ 
tinguishing feature of that corrupt age, or is it not 
characteristic of our fallen nature in every ago, and 
amongst all nations? There may indeed be a variety of 
moral checks and counteracting circumstances, which 
prevent the vicious principles of the human heart from 
attaining so rank a growth ; the progress of knowledge, 
and especially of Christian knowledge, may constrain 
iniquity to hide her head ; but the seeds of the same 
depravity remain, and will continue to spring up, and 
bring forth the fruits of death, till they shall be finally 
eradicated by the cordial and universal reception of 
the Gospel. 

It is evident not only from the preceding facts, but 
from the records of all past ages, that the dignities of this 
world arc not usually allotted by the Ruler of nations to 
his children, but that they are, for the most part, the 
portion of his enemies. He, by whose permission kings 
reign—the righteous Arbiter, who putteth down one, 
and setteth up another/’—frequently dispenses these 
fading honours and dangerous distinctions to the vilest, 
the most infamous of characters; but blessings more dura¬ 
ble in tlmir nature, and of far greater value, are reserved 
for the objects of his affection. Their’s is an heavenly 
inheritance, an unfading crown, an imperishable and 
eternal portion. They may say with truth to the most 
prosperous and elevated of the ungodly, as Jesus once 
said to his disciples, “ I have meat to eat, w hich ye 
know not of.” How foolish then, and how ignorant are 
they, w ho envy the prosperity of the wicked ; and who, 


32 3 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


when they observe the enemies of God “ in great power, 
spreading themselves like a green hay-tree,” forget that 
“ they are set in slippery plat es, that they shall soon be 
rut down like the grass, and wither as the green herb; 
that they are brought into desolation as in a moment!” 

But besides such general reflections, arising from the 
whole of the preceding narrative, (hi re are others sug¬ 
gested by some of the tacts which have been stated, when 
separately considered. The favour sin wn by Corn- 
modus to his Christian subjects, at the suggestion and 
through the influence of a favourite mistress, proves, that 
the Most High can and frequently does over-rule the 
crimes of men, so as to make even the worst of charac¬ 
ters, instruments of good to mankind, and means of 
accomplishing his own gracious purposes; and when this 
end is answered, they are cast aside as useless, or made 
the instruments of mutual destruction. The address of 
Sevcrus to the urn which was to contain his ashes, 
trifling as it may at first sight appear, becomes im¬ 
portant, when considered as an affecting example of 
that twtal neglect with which the incorruptible part of 
our nature is treated by many who profess to believe in 
the immortality of the soul. “Soon shall thou contain,” 
said this heathen Emperor, “all that remains of Severus.” 
Did he not then know that he had a soul, which no 
funeral urn could enclose, no sepulchral walls immure, 
and over which death itself could have no power ? If he 
did, (and even the heathens were not ignorant of this 
fact,) was it possible, that in his last moments he could 
be wholly indifferent to the future, the eternal condition 
of this imperishable part of himself? Yet thus it is— 
myriads, who profess to have no doubt of the immortality 
of the soul, devote all their attention to a corruptible 
body, and spend the whole of life in solicitously inquir¬ 
ing, “ What shall we cat, what shall we drink, and 
wherewithal shall we be clothed The boundless scenery 
that stretches before them, engages no part of their atten¬ 
tion ; nor does the destiny that awaits them hereafter, 
occupy a moment’s serious consideration! 

The character of Alexander resembles in many respects 
that of Josiah, king of Judah. Like that young and 


ESSAY IX. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


S29 


amiable monarch, he aimed at reforming public abuses, 
and restraining the vices of a degenerate age. His short 
but interesting reign may fitly be compared to the tran¬ 
sient appearance of a star, suddenly emerging from 
behind the clouds, which overspread the hemisphere in a 
dark and tempestuous night. How far the light which 
he reflected, was borrowed from the sun of Christian reve¬ 
lation, it is now not easy to determine; nor can it be 
ascertained, whether this prince and the maternal guide 
of his youth were sincerely attached to Christianity. 
That they were acquainted with its doctrines—that they 
admired its precepts—and professed to regulate their 
public and private conduct by them, is most certain; 
and may we not hope that, amidst much remaining dark¬ 
ness, and a degree of worldly conformity which would 
be without excuse in a more enlightened age, there was 
some portion of spiritual knowledge. Without pre¬ 
suming, however, to pronounce on their condition, their 
conduct gives occasion to remark, that there are many 
who are speculatively acquainted with Christianity ; who 
assent to its doctrines, and profess to admire its precepts; 
who yet refuse to part with their idols; who place the 
image of Mammon with that of Christ in the temple of 
their hearts; and who are either ashamed or afraid to 
confess him before men, by openly espousing his sacred 
cause. 

Finally, the miserable ends of many persecutors (of 
which several instances, and especially those of Decius 
and Valerian, have been related in the preceding pages) 
afford awful demonstration of the folly and danger of 
every attempt to obstruct the progress of Messiah’s king¬ 
dom. For though 44 the heathen rage, and the people 
imagine a vain thing—though the kings ot the earth set 
themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against 
Jehovah and against his Anointed ; he that sitteth in 
the heavens shall laugh— Jehovah shall have them in 
derision—He will break them with a rod of iron, he will 
dash them in pieces, like a potter’s vessel.** 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 111.- 


ESSAY X. 

On the Reigns of Diocleti an and Constantine, 
prom A. D. 281—337. 

A variety of circumstances had long indicated the' 
approaching dissolution of the Roman empire. En¬ 
feebled by internal divisions arising from the contending 
claims of numerous usurpers; and continually harassed 
by the incursions of foreign invaders, it Mas not difficult 
to perceive, that a kingdom thus divided against itself 
could not stand, unless its existence were protected by 
some new and more vigorous mode of administration. It 
was necessary that some enterprising monarch, possessed 
of commanding talents and influence, should sway the 
imperial sceptre, w ho would be able to curb the licenti¬ 
ousness of the Roman legions, no less than to repel the 
attacks of foreign adversaries. Such was Diocletian, 
whose reign forms a new ajra in Roman History, on 
account of the system of policy and new form of govern¬ 
ment,, which he was induced, by the necessity of the 
times, rather than from choice, to adopt. 

Diocletian, who is supposed to have been the son 
of a slave, had risen bv his merits alone, from tlie lowest 
station to the most honourable and important post in the 
Roman empire. It lias been already stated, that after Hie 
death of Carus, and two of his sons, this general was in¬ 
vested by the army which he commanded, with the 
imperial purple. A feeble resistance was made to his 
election by Carinus* the only surviving son of Cams, 
who was soon killed by one of ids own tribunes, and left 
ins competitor in full possession of the government. The 
discerning mind of Diocletian immediately perceived the 
necessity of associating with himself in the administra¬ 
tion of so unwieldy and disturbed an empire some persons 
in whom he could repose confidence, lie therefore first 
appointed Maximum, one of the ablest of his generals. 




ESSAY X. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


331 


his imperial colleague; to whom was committed the ad¬ 
ministration of the western branch of the empire, includ¬ 
ing Italy, Spain, Gaul, Germany, and Britain; whilst he 
himself determined to fix his residence at Nicomedia, 
and govern the eastern provinces. But it soon became 
evident that the exigencies of the state required the con¬ 
tinual maintenance of four standing armies-in remote pro¬ 
vinces, and it was apprehended that their generals would, 
if private individuals, aspire to the government of the 
empire: it was therefore determined to invest two younger 
officers with the title of Casar , and the ensigns of royalty; 
to whom the Emperors should give their daughters in 
marriage, and who should be appointed to succeed them 
in the government. For this purpose Diocletian fixed 
upon Galerius, and Maximian upon Constantius; so that 
in reality there were now four sovereigns, amongst whom 
the administration of the empire was divided. Two of 
these, Maximian and Galerius, were sanguinary despots, 
whose whole reign was a scries of barbarous and oppres¬ 
sive crimes; Diocletian was scarcely less cruel in his dis¬ 
position, but covered his cruelties for a time with a veil of 
policy, and an apparent regard to justice; Constantins 
alone was a mild and humane prince, who sought the 
happiness, and was rewarded with the affections of his 
subjects. 

Each of these sovereigns was fully employed in mili¬ 
tary expeditions during several y ars. Constantius was 
opposed to the Franks, who had invaded Gaul, and to 
Carausius, who had revolted, and was made Emperor by 
the Britons ; Galerius maintained an arduous, and at first 
unsuccessful struggle with Use Persians; Maximian, 
passed over into Africa to qiu'll a formidable insurrec¬ 
tion in that country ; and Diocletian reserved for himself 
the invasion of Egypt, where Achilleus, a Roman general, 
had rebelled, and caused himself, according to the usual 
custom of those times, to be proclaimed Emperor. After 
a succession of defeats and victories, which it would be 
tedious to detail, all these enterprises were successfully 
terminated, and the four sovereigns enjoyed the triumph, 
which their valour was supposed to have merited. The 
reception, however, which the Emperors met witli in 


332 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK Ilf. 


their ancient capital, was not such as to induce them to 
make it their residence; Diocletian returned immediately 
after his triumph to Nicomedia, and Maximum to Milan, 
the seat of their respective governments. 

Peace being now established in almost every part of 
the Roman empire, the associated sovereigns directed 
their attention to the regulation of its internal affairs. It 
appears from ecclesiastical history, that Christianity* 
though it no longer retained its primitive simplicity, had 
increased so rapidly during the late wars, and was so 
generally professed, that fears were entertained for the 
very existence of Paganism. The reigning princes, and 
especially the sanguinary Galerius, saw with mingled 
rage and apprehension the progress of this hated sect* 
and all, except Constantius, entered into a conspiracy to 
exterminate it from the earth. A persecution com¬ 
menced under Diocletian, and continued more than ten 
years, which far exceeded every former persecution in 
savage cruelty, and satanic rage. It would be most 
painful to describe the various tortures inflicted upon 
myriads of the disciples of Christ by these inhuman 
tyrants : suffice it to say, that their temples were levelled 
with the ground; all the copies of the Holy Scriptures 
which could be found were publicly burnt; and every 
kind of suffering, which human ingenuity could devise, 
was exhausted in vain endeavours to transform the wor¬ 
shippers of the one living and true God, into idolaters 
and pagans. At length the persecutors imagined that 
their work was achieved; so scattered and concealed 
were the remaining adherents to Christianity, and so 
numerous the victims which had been immolated on the 
altar of superstition, that they arrogantly boasted in their 
public inscriptions, and coins, (some of which are still 
extant,) that “ they had effaced the name and superstition 
of the Chri stiaiis , and had restored the worship of the 
gods.” X 

Whilst this tremendous persecution still raged, a re¬ 
solution was taken by Diocletian, for which it is not easy 
to account, namely, to lay aside his imperial honours, 
and retire into a private station; and on the same day 
his colleague, according to a previous agreement, imi- 



ESSAY X. 


THE III STORY OF HOME. 


333 


tated his example. Maximian did this, as it afterwards 
appeared, by constraint, and in a few years made an 
unsuccessful attempt to recover his former dignity; but 
Diocletian lived in contented obscurity, cultivating his 
garden and orchard, till a delirium which has been 
ascribed by some to the influence of poison terminated 
his life, after a reign of more than twenty years, and a 
seclusion from the world of almost ten. 

Constantius and Galerius, having become Em¬ 
perors in consequence of the abdication of their prede¬ 
cessors, the latter chose two Ca3sars without the concur¬ 
rence of his colleague. These were Sever us and Maximiu , 
who partook of the ferocity of the tyrant to whom they 
were indebted for their promotion. Constantius did not 
long enjoy his imperial honours; for in the second year 
of his reign he died at York, in the arms of his son Con¬ 
stantine, who had with difficulty effected his escape from 
the court of Galerius, and arrived but a little before his 
father’s death. That amiable sovereign expressed in his 
last moments his desire that none should succeed him but 
his son Constantine, whose filial affection, both to himself 
and his mother Helena, had been most exemplary. Con¬ 
stantius had steadily opposed himself to the persecuting 
spirit of the times, and in reply to some courtiers, who 
urged him to dismiss from his service those who would 
not abandon the profession of Christianity, remarked 
that “ it could not be expected of those who had forsaken 
their God, that they would prove faithful to their prince.” 
He is said to have expressly recommended the Christians 
to the protection of Constantine, with his expiring breath. 
His death took place in the fifty-sixth year of his age, 
sixteen years after he had been created Caesar, and two 
after he had attained to the imperial dignity. 

The early part of Constantine’s reign was fully occu¬ 
pied with exertions to maintain possession of the crown 
which had been bequeathed to him by his father, in 
opposition to the claims of those who were either brought 
forward by Galerius, or had assumed to themselves the 
honours of royalty. Of the former were Severus, Maximin, 
and Licinius; and of the latter, the only formidable 
competitor was Maxentius, a person of obscure birth, of 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


oo -J 
oo± 

a cruel disposition, and of grossly immoral habits. This 
usurper obtained possession of Rome, where he com¬ 
mitted innumerable outrages and crimes during six years, 
but was at last defeated and slain by Constantine in a 
general engagement, which took place near the walls of 
the metropolis. This battle is rendered memorable by 
the supposed conversion of Constantine to the Christian 
faith. The statement of this remarkable occurrence, 
which has been made by Eusebius, a contemporary his¬ 
torian, (who a firms that lie received it from the Emperor 
himself,) is to the following effect. As Constantine was 
marching at (lie head of his army into Italy to encounter 
Maxentius, full of solicitude about the issue of the contest, 
lie retired to implore the protection of the God of the 
Christians. Scarcely were these private devotions ended, 
when he observed in the heavens a splendid appearance, 
which resembled a cross, with this inscription in Greek 
characters, u Conquer by this.” All the augurs and pagan 
priests attached to his camp agreed to pronounce it an 
inauspicious omen, and were greatly terrified by it, but 
on the mind of Constantine himself it produced a far 
different impression. He was led by it to solicit the 
instruction of several Christian pastors, who explained 
to him more fully the doctrines and evidences of their 
religion, by which he professed to be so fully convinced, 
that from that time lie renounced the worship of idols, 
and avowed himself a Christian. A banner was hence¬ 
forward displayed in his army, emblazoned with an 
emblem and inscription similar to that which had led to 
this important change in his sentiments. On entering the 
city of Rome after the defeat and death of Maxentius, he 
rejected all the homage and applause of the multitude, 
pointing them to this standard, as representing that by 
which alone he had obtained the victory. When his own 
statue was afterwards erected in the capital, lie caused 
an emblematical representation of the cross to be intro¬ 
duced with this inscription, “ By this victorious cross, 
Constantine has delivered Rome from tyranny, and re¬ 
stored to the Senate and people their ancient glory.” 

From this time the Emperor’s principal object seemed 
to be, to surround the religion which he had embraced 


ESSAY X. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


335 


/with all possible splendour. The unadorned Christian 
temples which had been so lately demolished, were now 
rebuilt in the most magnificent style, and richly endowed; 
many new ones were erected in all the principal cities of 
the empire, and highly ornamented with decorations not 
inferior to those which had long embellished the pagan 
temples. The pastors and presbyters of the Christian 
churches were now invested with more extensive autho¬ 
rity, and laden with wealth and worldly honours.— 
Synods were convened, at which the Emperor presided 
in person, for the purpose of authoritatively declaring 
what is the holy Catholic faith, and suppressing all those 
heresies which had crept info the church. Under the 
dominant influence of Athanasius, several who had em¬ 
braced the Arian heresy, (including Arius himself,) were 
banished; but in a few years, some of this excommuni¬ 
cated party, in their turn, gained the ascendancy, and 
obtained the expulsion of the most distinguished Atha- 
nasians. In the mean time, the Emperor commanded 
the pagan temples throughout his empire to be shut; 
prohibited the offering of sacrifices to idols, and used his 
influence with other princes, (and especially w ith Sapor, 
king of Persia,) to obtain a complete toleration of Chris¬ 
tians within their dominions, lie also caused copies of 
the Holy Scriptures to be multiplied, in place of those 
which his tyrannical predecessors had destroyed ; and in 
addition to the rites which the Apostles had ordained, he 
proceeded to institute a great variety of fasts and festivals 
in honour of the apostles and martyrs, whose bones were 
now collected from all quarters with religious care, and 
buried with little less than imperial pomp. To his 
reign is ascribed by Catholic writers, the discovery, not 
only of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, but also of a 
portion of the true cross, on which the Saviour suffered ! 
But without descending to the legendary fictions of 
papal superstition, it is certain that a sumptuous edifice 
was founded by Constantine at Jerusalem, in honour 
of the sepulchre of Jesus Christ, on the spot which 
the Empress Helena supposed to have been its original 
site. 

But though this first Christian Emperor paid a prm- 


336 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


cipal attentionlo ecclesiastical affairs, be did not neglect 
his secular interests. He first conquered Maximin, who 
succeeded Galerius as Emperor of the East; and after 
him Licinius, whose authority he had once acknowledged, 
but whom afterwards he resolved to depose; and having 
thus removed every rival, reigned sole Monarch of the 
Roman empire. And now he found leisure to execute a 
design that had long been meditated, namely, the re¬ 
moval of the scat of 'government from Rome, and the 
construction of a new capital in a more central part of 
the empire. The place upon which he fixed tor this 
purpose, was then called Byzantium, but since, in honour 
of this Emperor, Constantinople. Many reasons have 
been assigned for this undertaking : some have attributed 
it to the hostility shewn by the pagan inhabitants of 
Rome to the establishment of Christian worship, and the 
suppression of their superstitious rites; others have sup¬ 
posed that Constantine could not endure to dwell in a 
city, whose streets had so often, been stained with the 
blood of the martyrs; whilst others have ascribed it 
solely to political motives, and especially to an expecta¬ 
tion that the continual irruptions of the northern and 
eastern tribes of barbarians might thus be more effectually 
prevented. But from •whatever motive it might arise, 
the measure proved to be most injudicious, and un¬ 
questionably accelerated the final destruction of the 
empire. — 

No labour or expence w r as spared in the execution of 
this favourite project. A wall of great height and thick¬ 
ness, which extended from sea to sea, enclosed the area 
within which the city was to be built. This space was 
filled up by a spacious capitol, an immense amphitheatre, 
a superb senate-house, many magnificent structures de¬ 
voted to civil and religious uses, and numerous splendid 
mansions intended for the residence of senators and others 
connected with the administration of the empire. After 
the work Was completed, a day was set apart in which 
the new metropolis was consecrated, by numerous reli¬ 
gious rites, to the God of martyrs, or, according to the 
testimony of some ancient writers, to the Virgin Mary. 
This event, which in reality terminates the history of 



ESSAY X. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 337 

Rome as an imperial residence, and quickly reduced the 
metropolis of the world to a state of dependence and 
poverty, took place 1128 years after tlie city bad been 
founded by Romulus, and in the three hundred and 
thirtieth of the Christian aera. 

With the removal of the imperial court to Constan¬ 
tinople this series of history might naturally be expected 
to close ; for all beyond this period, besides its compara¬ 
tively uninteresting character, belongs more properly to 
the history of Constantinople, than to that of Home. 
Rut a prospective glance at the subsequent events of 
Constantine’s reign, and the unhappy consequences of 
this transfer of government, may not be wholly unac¬ 
ceptable, before we take a final leave of proud imperial 
Rome, and her degenerate sons. 

It is painful to be under the necessity of stating that 
the latter years of Constantine were characterized by a 
series of arbitrary and oppressive measures. The most 
credible witnesses have attested, that he put to death the 
Em pi ess Fausta his wife, Crispus one of his sons, and 
Licinius his nephew, besides many distinguished senators, 
on the slightest suspicion. Though the most extravagant 
terms were employed by his flatterers,' botli before and 
after his decease, to describe his exemplary piety, and 
Christian zeal, there is too much reason to conclude that 
with him Christianity was rather a matter of state-policy, 
than an operative principle—that his opinions were 
continually vacillating—and that his conduct was in 
many instances grossly inconsistent with his profession. 
He did not submit to Christian baptism, till he became 
hopeless of recovery from the disease of which lie died, 
in the thirty-second year of his reign. 

The succeeding emperors, who reigned both before 
and after the division of the Roman empire into an eastern 
and western monarchy, were continually harassed by the 
incursions of the Goths, Visigoths, Huns, Vandals, 
AHanes, and many other tribes, who frequently ravaged 
their territories, and levied contributions on their subjects. 
Often were these princes reduced to the disgraceful ne¬ 
cessity of purchasing a cessation of hostilities by sacri¬ 
ficing their treasures of gold and silver, or by ceding 

a 




STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK HI. 


338 

large portions of their dominions. In the year 410 
Rome was taken and plundered by Alaric, king of the 
Visigoths, in revenge for the violation of a treaty, by 
which the Emperor Honoriin, or liis ministers, had 
stipulated to pay to that celebrated Gothic chief four 
thousand pounds weight of gold. The Vandals, under 
Genseric, ravaged Africa and Spain; whilst the eastern 
empire was dismembered, and almost annihilated by 
the furious Attila, who poured an army of not less than 
live hundred thousand Huns into Asia and Greece. At 
length, in the year 476 of the Christian aera, and about 
1224 years from the building of the city, the western 
empire, of which Rome was the capital, was finally sub¬ 
verted by Odoacer, prince of the Heruli, w ho conquered 
Italy, took possession of Rome, obliged Augustulus, the 
last of the emperors, to resign his throne, and continued 
to reign in his stead, till he in his turn, was expelled by 
Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths. Thus fell, after 
many years of decay, a political fabric, once the most 
stupendous and magnificent which the world had ever 
seen, undermined by its own vices, rather than demo¬ 
lished by the hands of its enemies. The subversion 
of this gigantic empire must be ascribed to the volup¬ 
tuousness of its princes, and the enervating influence of 
their example upon their subjects, rather than to the tor¬ 
rent of barbarians by which it was finally inundated. 

Eutrop. Aurel. Yict. Zosim. Lactant. Ainmian. MarcclI. 
et Euseb. Oper. 


REFLECTIONS. 

So true is it that whilst u righteousness exalteth a 
nation, sin is a reproach to any people.” Who can con¬ 
template die humbled and degraded state of this once 
flourishing ernp re when if became the prey of every 
invader, and trembled at the touch of even the feeblest 
of its adversaries, without perceiving the truth and justice 
of this sentiment. But it is not inscribed alone on the 



ESSAY X. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 

ruins of llic Roman empire; it may be traced in every 
page of the history of mankind. What has demolished 
tiie fairest, the noblest, the most magnificent structure, 
which the Omnipotent Creator has formed in this inferior 
world? What has trodden in the dust, the primaeval 
glory and beauty of man, who w as created in the image 
of God, and once reflected all the moral attributes of the 
divine nature? Is it not sin that has committed these 
fearful ravages amongst the works of God—that has 
occasioned so hideous a transformation of the loveliest, 
into the most deformed and loathsome of objects—that 
has broken down all the barriers of primitive innocence, 
and given easy access to those u spiritual wickednesses 
in high places,who incessantly aim at the destruction 
of our apostate race? The final consequences qf trans¬ 
gression may be long suspended ; threatened vengeance 
may be delayed from year to year—from age to age; 
the moral decay may not be perceived, and even mistaken 
for increasing splendour and power—but, as in the in¬ 
stance of national decay and ruin, which has been just 
contemplated, the issue, though disregarded, is certain— 
the destruction of the wicked will be as inevitable and 
fearful, as it is, in many cases, sudden and unexpected. 
u When they are saying, peace and safety, sudden 
destruction will come upon them.” 

H ow ineffectual were the attempts of Diocletian and 
his guilty associates to exterminate the Christian reli¬ 
gion, and blot out the light of Divine Revelation! 
How false and presumptuous their boast, that this work 
of destruction was achieved, and that the Christian 
churches were as completely demolished, as the temples 
in which they had been accustomed to assemble! Soon 
did it appear, that not even the least portion of the sacred 
volume had been lost, but that a special Providence had 
watched over that inestimable treasure, and preserved it 
from the destructive fury of the oppressors. It soOn 
became evident that the havoc made in the Church of 
Christ, so far from rasing it to its foundations, had tended 
greatly to the furtherance of the gospel. In a very fejv 
years, this exterminated sect filled the land; and the 
visible Church which was considered as destroyed, ap- 





310 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


ROOK 111. 


peared in far greater splendour and apparent prosperity 
than at any former period. 

But, how frequently is it seen that a state of prosperity 
and honour is attended with far greater dangers than the 
extreme of adversity and suffering ? Amidst the u pom¬ 
pous apparatus, the superstitious rites, and unmeaning 
forms of piety,” which prevailed in the Christian church 
during the splendid administration of the first Christian 
Emperor, how little caji we discern of the spirit of 
genuine piety. It cannot be doubted that the transition 
from the racks and tortures of the Diocletian persecution, 
to the sunshine of imperial favour and patronage, would 
appear to the Christians of that age most desirable. They 
were delighted to see their sanctuaries rising from the 
ruinous condition, to which their furious persecutors had 
reduced them, to an unprecedented state of magnificence 
and splendour; to observe that their pastors, who had lately 
been driven into corners, were now highly honoured, and 
amply provided for, by the munificence of the sovereign; 
to see the Emperor himself presiding in their religious 
councils, and manifesting a concern for the preservation 
of the doctrines and discipline of the primitive Church ; 
but they were little aware what a hydra of papal super¬ 
stition would grow out of this state of tilings, and how 
far they had already proceeded towards the establishment 
of that antichristian delusion. Already were fatal errors 
propagated and defended by many professed Christians; 
monastic institutions and unauthorized rites already began 
to prevail; human traditions and the commandments of 
men had already in many respects superseded the autho¬ 
rity of the written word; and the weapons which their 
heathen persecutors had just laid down, were now seized 
by different parties in the Christian church, and turned 
against each o.her. Must it not then be confessed, that 
this was rather a period of apparent, than of real pros¬ 
perity ? 

On the reality of Constantine’s conversion it is not 
our province to determine ; bu! multitudes of fin ts might 
bq collected to justify the assertion, that those impres¬ 
sions are very suspicious, to say the least, and often 
prove most fallacious, which are made by dreams and 


ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 341 

visions, and phantoms of* the imagination. IIow far a 
rational and scriptural conviction of the truth and ex¬ 
cellency of the Christian religion might be afterwards 
produced in the mind of this heathen Emperor, by the 
perusal of the word of God, and the instructions of those 
pious men whom he consulted, we cannot determine ; 
but the story of the blazing cross, and the use of this 
symbol as a military standard, savours more of the 
antichristian and fanatical spirit in which the crusades 
originated, than of the “.words of truth and soberness,” 
which the Holy Ghost teacheth. The religious character 
of this prince would have been contemplated by sincere 
Christians with far greater pleasure, if instead of dis¬ 
playing his zeal and piety by instituting fasts and festi¬ 
vals, ceremonies and rites, which Christ has not ordained, 
lie had u shewn out of a good conversation, his works 
with meekness and wisdom.” Christian charity, how¬ 
ever, which “ hopetli even against hope,” should teach 
us to attribute many of these inconsistencies of character 
to the shades of superstition which still beclouded his 
mind, and from which his spiritual guides themselves 
were by no means exempt; whilst they cannot be con¬ 
sidered as forming the least excuse for the doctrinal or 
practical errors of those, who are placed in more favoured 
circumstances, and possess means of knowing the way 
of God more perfectly. 


ESSAY XI. 

On the 'principal Writers of the Augustan and following 

Ages. 

• / / .' - j. 

A remarkable difference maybe observed in the 
history of Grecian and Roman Literature. In Greece, 
almost every species of intellectual eminence was attained 
at the same time. Some of the best philosophers, poets, 
historians, orators, and artists of that country, were 
cotemporaries. But in Rome, there were distinct ages, 






342 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


in which'the different branches of literature were cul¬ 
tivated with most success. Thus the latter years of the 
commonwealth may be distinguished as tlie age of 
oratory; the reign of Augustus, as that of poetry; the 
splendid administrations of Trajan and Adrian, as that of 
history and the arts; and the government of the Anto- 
nines, as that of philosophy. But when each of the 
above-mentioned periods is said to be characterized by 
its peculiar branch of literature, it will not be understood 
that ail the rest were excluded; that, for example, all 
the men of learning who flourished under Augustus 
Caesar, were poets; or that there were no distinguished 
orators after the death of Cicero, and the dissolution of 
the republic. The following rapid sketch of the pro¬ 
gress and decline of Roman literature, and brief notice 
of the most distinguished writers, whose talents adorned 
the imperial government of Rome, will afford demonstra¬ 
tion to the contrary ; and prove that, though therfe may 
be a fashion in literary, as well as other pursuits, true 
genius cannot be fettered by such capricious laws. 

Inspired by the genius, the taste, and the high reputa¬ 
tion of Cicero ; but especially, fostered by the patronage 
of Augustus and his friend Maecenas, a numerous corps 
of literary combatants entered the lists, and contended 
for the wreath of imperishable fame. The first of these, 
both in order of time and merit, was Virgil, the prince 
of Roman Poets, who holds the same pre-eminent rank 
amongst the Latin, as Homer amongst the Greek writers. 
A summary of the life and writings of this justly admired 
poet is contained in the distich* written by himself, and 
afterwards engraved upon his tomb, which informs us, 
that “ he was born at Mantua, lived in Calabria, and was 
buried at Naples ; and that the subjects on which his 
muse had been employed, related to shepherds, fields, 
and mighty chiefs.” His principal poem is the “ JEneid 
in which he has successfully imitated, and, in elegance, 
refinement, and tenderness, far surpassed the Grecian 
epic bard. Yet this exquisite production, not having 


* Mantua me genuit; Calabri rapucre; tenet nunc 
Parthenope ; cecini pascua, l ura, duces. 





-ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 313 

received its last polish from the hand of its author, was, 
according to the instructions of his will, to liave been 
burnt; and was only preserved from the flames by 
the express command of Augustus, who had admitted 
him to his most intimate friendship. In this well-known 
epic poem, Virgil has manifested his gratitude to his 
imperial benefactor and patron, by sketching under the 
name of AEneas, a flattering portrait of Augustus, which 
is supposed to have contributed in no small degree to 
the popularity of that monarch. The excellence of his 
pastoral and didactic poetry, sufficiently proves, that his 
genius was equal to the execution of any task, which he 
might have undertaken. 

Horace, a native of Venusium, flourished at the 
same time, and shared with the poet of Mantua the 
favour and patronage both of Augustus and Miecenas. 
He lias been compared by some to Anacreon, and by 
others, to Pindar, amongst the Greeks. His poems are 
chiefly lyric; but his satirical and critical writings 
possess also considerable merit. Many of his odes are 
exquisitely beautiful, and interspersed with moral apho¬ 
risms of great value; but it is greatly to be lamented, 
that some of his pages are defiled by obscenity of 
thought and expression, that cannot be too severely cen¬ 
sured. lie died in the same year, in which Maecenas, 
his illustrious friend and patron, to whom several of his 
poems were inscribed, expired, and within a very short 
period of that lamented event. Ovid can scarcely be 
mentioned without disgust and abhorrence, on account of 
the degradation of his exalted talents and the pernicious 
influence of his writings. In proportion to the harmony 
of his numbers by which the ear is gratified, and the 
beauty of his descriptions by which the imagination 
and taste are delighted and charmed, is the mischief to 
be apprehended, from the licentiousness and impurity- 
with which they are contaminated. It w as stated in the 
reign of Augustus, that Ovid was banished by that 
monarch on account of the pruriency of his writings, 
which were justly considered as poisonous to the morals 
of the Roman youth. The place of his exile was Tomos, 
a city of Maesia, near the buxine sea; where he spent 


i 


. . ' t 

S4i STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK J1I. 

the rest of his days in disgraceful obscurity. After 
having pined away seven or eight years in this desolate 
region, he died about the commencement of the reign of 
Tiberius. Tibullus and Propertius were also amongst 
the poets of the Augustan age, whose Elegies are charge¬ 
able with the faults, and by no means possess the beauties, 
which have been ascribed to those of Ovid. The 
thoughts are frequently quaint, and the style affected, iri 
which they attempt to express the sentiments of nature, 
and the emotions of the heart. 

In another department of literature flourished during 
this reign, three well-known historians, to whose valuable 
writings frequent reference has been made in preceding 
essays; Titus Livius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 
and Cornelius Nepos. The former of these stands 
unrivalled amongst the Latin historians, numerous and 
excellent as they were. Possessed of all the qualities 
requisite to the execution of so arduous an undertaking, 
he composed an elaborate history of Rome, which ex¬ 
tended from the earliest records to the death of Drusus, 
in one hundred and thirty-two books, the greater part 
of whicli have perished in the wreck of former ages. 
Enough however has been preserved to establish his 
high reputation and justify the praises which have been 
given to him both by ancients and moderns, as a model 
to future historians, in purity of style and perspicuity of 
arrangement. He died at Padua, hjs native city, in the 
reign of Tiberius Caesar, and was deservedly eulogized 
by Seneca, as “ possessing a genius equal to the grandeur 
and majesty of the Roman empire.” * 

Dionysius of Halicarnassus was both a critic and 
an historian. He wrote the “ Antiquities of Rome” in 
twenty books, eleven of which only remain. As far 
as his researches extend, they include much minute 
information respecting the civil and religious rites, the 
customs and laws, that prevailed amongst the Romans in 
the earliest stages of their political history. But in 
these as in almost all the records of ant quity much fable 
is mixed with truth, and conjectures frequently occupy 
the place o! authorized facts. C'ornelius Nepos was a 
biographical historian, who briefly, but with much 


ESSAY XI. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 345 

elegance of diction, sketched the characters and lives 
of the most illustrious heroes of Greece and Rome. -— 

The principal writers who flourished under Tiberius, 
were, Velleius Paterculus, who composed a history of the 
ancient Greeks, and also, an abridged Roman History, 
the greater part of which has been lost, and that which, 
remains is of little value, since it can only be esteemed a 
highly-coloured panegyric on the worst of tyrants and 
oppressors ;— Valerius Maximus , who collected the me¬ 
morable sayings of the ancients in a work which is 
rather to be admired for the excellence of its subject, 
than for the style in which it was written ;— Strabo and 
Dionysius , two celebrated geographers, the former of 
whom wrote a description of the earth, as it was known 
to the ancients, in seventeen books in prose; and the 
latter executed a similar work in Greek verse;—and 
Phcedrus , who translated some of the fables of /Esop into 
Latin verse. Besides these authors, whose labours have 
either partially or wholly escaped the ravages of time, 
there were Fenestella , a poet and historian, and Verrius 
Flaccus , a grammarian, of whose once-celebrated writings, 
a few fragments alone remain. From the literary pro¬ 
ductions of this unhappy reign, it is evident that the 
taste of the Romans had greatly deteriorated since the 
Augustan age. 

The reigns of Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, odious 
and tyrannical as they were, produced some men of 
distinguished literary eminence. The principal of these 
were, in philosophy, Cornutus and Seneca; in poetry, 
Persius and Lucan; in history, Quintius Curtius, Fabius 
Rusticus, and Servilius; and in rhetoric, Remmius 
Poiemon. Cornutus was a stoic philosopner, who is best 
known as the preceptor of Persius , Seneca , and Lucan . 
The circumstances attending the death of the two latter 
have been related amongst the atrocif 'es of Nero's reign; 
at present we have only to do with their literary character. 
Lucan’s principal poem is entitled “ Pharsalia and is 
intended to describe in heroic verse, the history of the 
war between Caesar and Pompey. His imagery is bold 
and striking, some passages are exquisitely tender and 
pathetic, but the general character of his style has been 


346 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 111, 


censured by the best critics, as turgid and bombast. 
A poem written by him on the burning of Rome, together 
with several other poetical productions to which ancient 
writers have referred, have long since perished. Persius 
is only known as a satirist. The subjects of his satires 
are the faults of the orators and poets of his day, amongst 
whom the Emperor Nero himself is not spared. His 
poems obtained great celebrity when first written, though 
they now appear obscure and uninteresting, on account 
of our slight acquaintance with the characters and events 
to which his caustic raillery applies. Seneca was a 
stoic philosopher, who early accustomed himself to the 
austere habits of his sect, though he afterwards abandoned 
them for the luxuries of a court. He was an eloquent 
pleader, and a dramatic poet; but his reputation is 
principally founded upon his philosophical writings, 
which are replete with moral sentiments, of a more 
refined and exalted character than are usually found 
in pagan authors. If it were proposed to select out 
of the numerous tracts of this moral philosopher, those 
which possess a more than ordinary degree of ex¬ 
cellence, the treatises on “ anger,” on 44 tranquillity 
of mind,” on 44 a happy life,” and upon the 44 shortness 
of life,” would, it is presumed, be generally admitted 
amongst the number. 

From the death of Nero to Domitian, the writers who 
excelled in the different departments of Roman literature, 
were, in poetry, Martial, Valerius Flaccus, Statius, Silius 
Italicus, and Juvenal; in rhetoric, Quintilian ; in natural 
history and philosophy, Pliny the elder; and in history, 
Josephus, the well-known author of the 44 Antiquities 
and Wars of the Jews.” Of the above-mentioned poets, 
none have maintained a high degree of reputation, but 
Martial and Juvenal , the former as an epigrammatist, 
and the latter, as a severe satirist of the manners of 
the degenerate age in which he lived. V et these censors 
of others, while they professed to ridicule vice, intro¬ 
duced into their poems so many impure sentiments, that 
they cannot be perused without doing the utmost vio¬ 
lence to decency and good morals. Valerius Flaccus 
wrote an epic poem on < 4 the Argonautic expedition”— 


ESSAY XI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


317 


Statius, two epic poems, entitled the u Thebais” and the 
u Achilleis,” the latter of which was left unfinished— 
and Si li us It aliens, an heroic poem on the second Punic 
War. All these productions acquired a transient popu¬ 
larity, but have long since sunk into obscurity. Amongst 
the writers of this age, Quintilian alone deserves un¬ 
qualified praise. In the earlier part of his life he was a 
distinguished pleader, but at a later period, lie retired from 
public life and applied himself wholly to the composition 
of treatises on oratory and the rhetorical art, some of 
which are still extant, but others have perished. The 
first of these, (which some critics have ascribed to him, 
and others to Tacitus,) is a dialogue on the <c causes 
of the decay of Eloquence.” This was followed by 
a didactic treatise on rhetoric, in twelve books, which 
has been classed by some amongst the purest and most 
elegant of ancient compositions, not unworthy, even of 
the pen of Cicero, or the age of Augustus. This cele¬ 
brated orator was honoured with the consulship by 
Domitian, in whose tyrannical reign he flourished; 
though he is supposed to have been afterwards banished 
and reduced to poverty by that capricious tyrant. Pliny> 
usually called the elder, to distinguish him from his 
adopted son, was born at Verona, held many dignified 
and important offices during the reigns of Vespasian and 
Titus, and (as stated in a former essay) was suffocated in 
an eruption of Mount Vesuvius.* The only production 
of his pen now extant is a u Natural History,” in thirty- 
seven books, which is chiefly interesting, as it affords 
the means of ascertaining the progress which had then 
been made in that branch of science. 

The reigns of Nerva and Trajan were remarkable on 
account of the revival of taste and learning which took 
place at that time, and rendered the administration of 
the latter of these princes, an aera of no less importance 
in the literary, than in the political history of the em¬ 
pire. The most eminent of the phalanx of scholars that 
surrounded the standard of Trajan, were, the historians, 


* Rom, Kist. Rook HI. Essay 6. 







348 STUDIES IN HISTORY. BOOK 111^ 

Tacitus, Suetonius, and Plutarch ; Pliny the younger, a 
distinguished orator and statesman; and Julius Frontinus, 
a learned civilian, who wrote several elaborate treatises 
on military tactics and political economy. Cornelius 
Tacitus was the greatest orator of his day; but his 
posthumous fame has been perpetuated alone by his 
historical writings, which, in penetration of thought and 
energy of style, have seldom been equalled, and never 
excelled. The glow of patriotism, the abhorrence of 
tyranny in all its forms, the inviolable regard to truth, 
and the profound research, that pervade all his writings, 
give them an interest and importance, which can scarcely 
be over-rated. His first publication was the u Life of 
Agricolaf a memoir which has been justly applauded, 
as an excellent model of biographical history, and one of 
the most valuable records of antiquity. His 44 History ” 
was next written, which comprises the events that took 
place within the Roman empire, between the years 69 
and 96 of the Christian aera. This was followed by his 
44 Annals which extended from the death of Augustus 
to that of Galba, though they have reached us in a very 
mutilated condition. His excellent treatise on the 
44 Manners of the Germans was amongst the last, but 
not the least valuable of his compositions. Suetonius 
Tranquillus wrote the history of the 44 Twelve Caesars,” 
if a partial selection of facts, and a distorted exhibition 
of character, accompanied with gross invective and 
splenetic satire, be worthy the name of history. Yet to 
this writer we are indebted for a more perfect knowledge 
of the manners of the Romans, and a more full develope- 
ment of the policy of the Caesars, than could be obtained 
from any other quarter. He is also supposed to have 
written several works on grammar, and others on the laws 
and customs of the Romans, which are now only known 
by the citations of ancient authors. Plutarch, though 
a Greek by birth and education, must be classed with the 
scholars of Rome, since he was preceptor to Trajan, and 
continued at the Roman court, till the death of that 
Emperor. His writings were voluminous, some of whicli 
are lost, but a considerable number still remain. His 
Biographical History of the greatest men in Greece and 


FSSAY XI. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


349 


Rome, in which he has followed up and extended the 
design of Nepos, is too well known to need a description. 
It may not however be impertinent to remark, that the 
principal value of these memoirs consists in the moral 
sentiments they breathe, and their accurate representation 
of the private, as well as public life of the heroes of 
antiquity. Pliny the younger, was a most accomplished 
scholar, who excelled in almost every branch of litera¬ 
ture, but especially that of oratory, in which he was 
only inferior to Tacitus. He was highly esteemed and 
promoted by Trajan, with whom he frequently corres¬ 
ponded on literary as well as on political subjects. Many 
of his letters are still extant, and afford the most beautiful 
specimens of elegant epistolary writing; but his poems, 
and many other productions of his pen, are lost. He was 
remarkable tor disinterested benevolence, and superiority 
to that literary jealousy which has frequently dishonoured 
men of science and erudition; of which his liberality to 
Quintilian and Martial, when in reduced circumstances, 
were pleasing examples. 

In adverting to the government of Adrian, that 
Emperor must be himself enumerated amongst the scholars 
of his age. For it is well known, that several works both 
in Greek and Latin were written by that monarch; 
amongst which were, an epic poem, entitled the “ Alex- 
andriad”—“ Dialogues between himself and Epictetus” 
on Philosophy—Discourses on Language and Grammar— 
a volume of “ Military Institutes”—and- a Narrative of 
his own Life, which was fraught with vanity and self¬ 
adulation. Arrian, a native of Nicomedia, flourished 
at this period, who wrote the history of Alexander of 
Macedon, and that of his successors; the former of which 
is extant, but the latter, lost. In addition to these, he is 
said to have published theLife and Discourses of Epictetus, 
and the Histories of Bithynia, Parthia, and several other 
provinces, which Trajan had recently conquered. He 
was a man of extensive learning, and indefatigable re¬ 
search, who stood high in the confidence and esteem of 
the Emperor Adrian. Florus composed about this 
time his excellent epitome of Roman History, which 
contains, in an interesting, though compressed form, all 


350 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II 


,A 

the principal facts contained in Livy’s more extended 
and elaborate history. But the principal ornament of 
this splendid reign was Epictetus, the prince of stoic 
philosophers, to the commanding influence of whose 
talents and writings, is to be attributed the prevalence of 
philosophy during the two following reigns. He was a 
native of Phrygia, and originally a slave ; amongst other 
philosophers, he was banished trom Rome by Domitian; 
but after the death of that cruel d; spot, returned, and 
continued to live in the Roman capital, till the reign of 
Adrian. His whole system of philosophy was comprised 
in two words, u suffer and abstain ,” by which he taught 
the nec' ssiiy of patiently submitting to the ills of life, 
and habitually refraining from sensual indulgences. None 
of his works have descended to our times, but his 
“ ManualC a volume that abounds with excellent moral, 
and even devotional sentiments. 

The age of the Antonines was irradiated by a galaxy 
of philosophers, historians, orators, grammarians, and 
poets; of whom the limits of this work will admit little 
more than an enumeration of their names. The philoso¬ 
phical writings of Aurelius Antoninus himself have been 
already mentioned.* Rat besides this imperial philoso¬ 
pher, there were at that time Crescent ins, the Cynic; 1 
Ce/sus , the Epicurean ; Sextus , the Stoic ; Aristocles , the 
Peripatetic ; ’Alexander, Hermogcnes , and Aristides, the 
Sophists ; with many others, belonging to all the different 
schools of philosophy. To these must be added, (though 
it is difficult to know under what head to class, or by 
what title to designate him,) the witty but blasphemous 
Lucian , whose enmity against the Christians, on account 
of the purity of their morals/ and the sanctity of their 
religion, displays itself in almost every page of his 
writings. 

About the same period flourished the historians, Justin , 
Appian , and Pausanias; the former of whom abridged 
the larger history of Trogus Pompeius, who flourished 
in the reign of Augustus—the second was a native of 
Alexandria, who wrote a Roman history in Greek, or 


* Rom, Hist. Book III. JEssay 8. 





FSSAY XT. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


351 


rather a separate history of all the nations subject to the 
Roman Emperors—the last, composed a kind of statistical 
history of Greece, in which he describes the antiquities 
and topography of its several cities, and introduces the 
most remarkable occurrences in their history. The 
same luminous aera was that in which Ptolemy , a cele¬ 
brated astronomer and geographer— Pronto , a most dis¬ 
tinguished orator—and his pupil, Aulas Getlius , whose 
44 Attic Nights,” composed for the instruction of his 
children, are still extant—moved in their several spheres, 
and augmented the brightness of the surrounding he¬ 
misphere. 

With the above-mentioned individuals, the history of 
Roman Literature may be considered as closed; for 
after the reign of the Antonines, the appearances of men of 
taste and learning were, 44 like angels’ visits, few, and far 
between.” Scarcely is there a wiiter of the succeeding 
ages who claims attention, if an exception be made in 
favour of Diogenes Laertius, tlie author ol the 44 Lives of 
the Philosophers,” and Galen , the prince of physicians, 
botli of whom flourished under Severus— Dion Cassius , 
who compiled during the reign of Alexander Severus, a 
Roman history in seventy-four books— Longinus , a 
Platonic philosopher put to death by Aurelian, whose 
excellent treatise on the 44 Sublime,” is the only produc¬ 
tion of his masterly pen which has escaped the ravages of 
time—and some eminent writers on the subject of Chris¬ 
tianity, wlo will be more particularly adverted to in the 
next essay. 

Collected from the writings of Seneca, Pliny, Aulus Gellius, 
Diogenes Laertius, Aureliui. Victor, Suidas, Salmasius, Vossius, 
Lipsius, See. 


REFLECTIONS. 

The preceding sketch of Roman Literature from its 
highest elevation, to its most declining state, rapid and 
imperfect as it has necessarily been, suggests a variety of 


i 


352 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK II 


important and salutary instructions. It appears from 
this retrospect, that there is a remarkable sympathy 
between the government of a country, and the progress 
or decline of its literary character. A mild administra¬ 
tion and equal laws will certainly tend to the revival of 
letters, and, on the contrary, a system of intolerance and 
despotism will paralyze all the efforts of genius, and ex¬ 
tinguish all the light of science. It should not be for- 
gotten, that the brightest periods of Roman literature 
were during the mild and equitable reigns of Augustus, 
Trajan, Adrian, and the Antonines; but that the succes¬ 
sion of tyrants who filled up the intervals, manifestly de¬ 
pressed and ultimately destroyed all moral and intellec¬ 
tual excellence. Civil liberty and munificent patronage 
are calculated, not to say essential, to call forth the 
mightiest achievements of exalted genius, and the most 
polished productions of taste and science ; and these will 
ever be found to mark the administration of upright and 
enlightened sovereigns. 

How do the power, the wisdom, and the goodness of 
the Creator appear in the variety of talents, and in the 
different degrees of intellect, with which his rational 
creatures are endowed. All the gradations which may 
be observed in the human mind, from that imbecility 
which borders on idiocy to the loftiest flights and most 
extensive range of which man is capable, are as necessary 
to the beauty, the harmony, and the perfection of the 
intellectual system, as the varieties of minerals, vegetables, 
and animals, are necessary to render the world of nature- 
a perfect whole. In the latter case, all have their several 
degrees of utility and beauty; each class and order has 
its station, for which it is best fitted and in which it is 
most useful and ornamental: and, in the former, all are 
endowed with those measures of intelligence, which are 
best suited to the sphere in which they are called to 
move, or the stations which they are intended to occupy 
in the social system. Those then who are less splendidly 
endowed by the God of Nature, arid who are placed in 
the scale of intellect far beneath the level of a Virgil, a 
j acitus, or a Longinus, have no reason to envy their 
more illustrious brethren, or complain of the unequal dis- 















ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 353 

Iribulion of natural gifts; since pre-eminence in these 
but involves a higher degree of responsibility and exposes 
to greater dangers and more oppressive sorrows. How 
many of these boasted sons of science, while, like the 
fabled Icarus, they have attempted, with their waxen 
wings, too bold a flight; or, like the Roman lyric bard, 
they have aspired to “ touch the stars with their ex¬ 
alted heads,” have been suddenly precipitated into the 
abyss of infamy, the vortex of destruction ! 

It were well, if the wise and learned amongst man¬ 
kind were duly to consider both their responsibility and 
their danger—if they were frequently and seriously to 
reflect upon the end for which they had been entrusted 
with superior powers of mind ; the uses to which those 
powers should be applied ; and the extensive good or evil 
which must result from the improvement or abuse of 
their exalted endowments—and, above all, if they were 
to exert those faculties, under an habitual and impressive 
sense of the account they will have to render at the tri¬ 
bunal of their Judge. Such recollections and impres¬ 
sions could not fail to purify and elevate their capacious 
minds—to stimulate them to holy ardour in the pursuit 
and communication of useful knowledge—and to render 
them luminaries of no ordinary splendour and magni¬ 
tude, continually reflecting upon a dark world, their 
borrowed rays of truth and evangelical holiness; rays, 
which would perpetually brighten and strengthen,till they 
C( shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father.” 


1 


ESSAY XII. 

On the Advocates and Opponents of Christianity, 
during the three first centuries . 

Though the subject of this concluding essay belongs 
more properly to ecclesiastical than to civil history, it 
will not be deemed irrelevant to the professed design of 
' this work, that a brief notice be introduced of some of 





354 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


those Christian heroes, who advocated a nobler cause, 
and obtained a brighter crown, than any of the warriors 
and statesmen whose names have been mentioned in the 
preceding pages. It is not ungrateful to step aside from 
the beaten track of political faction, and military achieve¬ 
ments, for the purpose of breathing a purer air, and 
witnessing more splendid triumphs, obtained by the 
soldiers of the cross. Yet even here our pleasures are 
not unmixed. If the regions of primitive Christianity 
yield a rich abundance of fruits and flowers; they ex¬ 
hibit also some thorns and briers; and while contem¬ 
plating with admiration and delight u the noble army of 
martyrs,” we cannot be wholly regardless of the enemies 
to the cross of CSirisi; amongst whom are included those 
internal foes, who corrupted tile faith and practice of the 
Church; and those more daring adversaries, who at¬ 
tempted to prove that the Gospel of Christ was a 6 ‘ cun¬ 
ningly devised fable.” 

In the first century, no ecclesiastical writer, is known 
to have flourished after the Apostles and Evangelists, 
but Clemens Romanus, or Clement, the first pastor of 
the Roman Church, of whom honourable mention is 
made by the Apostle Paul, unless the work of Hermes be 
considered as a genuine relic of antiquity. There is 
still extant a letter to the Christians at Corinth, which is 
ascribed to Clement, and which, though written in a style 
that bears little resemblance to modern theology, is re¬ 
markable for its simple and fervent piety. Of this excel¬ 
lent man little more is known than that lie presided nine 
years over the Christian Church at Rome, that he strenu¬ 
ously opposed the heretical sentiments which already 
began to prevail; and that he contended earnestly, yet 
with the “ meekness of wisdom, for the faith once 
delivered to the saints.” The errors that prevailed in 
that age have been classed by ancient writers under two 
general divisions ; the former those of the Gnostics or 
Docetce ., of.which sect Simon of Samaria, and Cerinthus, 
have been considered the principal founders; and the 
latter, those of the Rhionites , who were so called from 
Ebion, the leader of their party. The Gnostic heresy 
made most progress amongst the Gentile converts to 




ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF HOME. 


355 

Christianity ; but that of Ebion chiefly prevailed amongst 
the converts from Judaism. The tenets of both these 
sects were manifestly alluded to, and controverted by the 
apostolical writers, and .particularly the venerable evan¬ 
gelist John ; and after their death, by the several pastors 
who succeeded them in the instruction and government 
of the church. As yet the adherents to Christianity were 
either too few or too little known to call forth the literary 
talents of (heir heathen adversaries. Instead of attempt¬ 
ing to confute the doctrines or disprove the statements, 
which Christian writers advanced, their persecutors 
adopted a more summary mode of suppressing, this de¬ 
spised sect, that of exterminating them by fire and sword. 

The second century, however, produced a great 
variety of literary champions on either side, of whom a 
few only can be enumerated in this place. Amongst the 
advocates of the Christian faith, who flourished, and 
most of whom suffered martyrdom, during the above- 
mentioned period, were Ignatius, Pohjcarp, Justin Mar¬ 
tyr, Dionysius of Corinth, 'Theophilus of Antioch, Melilo 
of Sardis, Pothinns of Lyons, Miltiades , Apollinarius, and 
Athenagoras. The principal heretical writers of that age, 
were Marcion, Theodotus, Montanus, Ammonius, and 
Praxeas. The antagonists of the Christians, who obtained 
most celebrity in that age, were Crescens, Celsus, Lucian, 
Pronto, Trypho the Jew, and others. 

Ignatius presided over the Christians at Antioch, 
from the days of the apostles, to the year i07 of the 
Christian aera, when lie suffered martyrdom under Trajan. 
During his imprisonment, he imitated the illustrious ex¬ 
ample of the apostle Paul in writing epistles to the diffe¬ 
rent Christian churches, seven of which have descended 
to our times. These were addressed to the disciples at 
Magnesia, Tralles, Ephesus, Smyrna, Philadelphia, and 
Koine, besides one to his friend and fellow-sufferer 
Polycarp. The character which lias been given of this 
illustrious martyr by an anonymous, but ancient writer, 
is abundantly confirmed by his own writings, and the 
concurrent testimony of all ages. . u He was a man in all 
things like the apostles; as a skilful pilot, by the helm of 
prayer and fasting, by the constancy of his instructions 




336 studies in HISTORY. ROOK III. 

and spiritual labours, be opposed himself to the floods of | 
the adversary ; lie was like a divine lamp illuminating 
the minds of the believers by his exposition of the Holy 
Scriptures; and finally, to shelter his flock from persecu¬ 
tion, he voluntarily exposed himself to a most cruel 
death.” | 

Polycarp next claims attention, on account of the in- j 
timate friendship which subsisted between himself and 
the last-mentioned champion of the Christian faith. The 
scene of his labours through an unusually protracted life, 
was Smyrna, where he was probably stationed by the 
direction of the apostles, with some of whom he had been 
familiarly conversant. It was his greatest pleasure through 
life to relate what he had heard from the lips of these 
inspired writers, respecting the discourses and miracles 
of Jesus Christ. He escaped in the persecution of 
Trajan, though a character whose active zeal and eminent 
piety was likely to attract attention ; but, under Marcus 
Aurelius, he suffered martyrdom with unshaken constancy 
and holy triumph. Few of the writings of this Christian 
hero remain; the principal are, an epistle to the Pbilip- 
pians, which breathes a truly apostolical spirit, and some 
fragments, preserved by Eusebius, and others of the 
Christian Fathers. 

Justin Martyr , who has been alluded to in former 
essays as an able apologist for Christianity, was contem¬ 
porary with Poly carp, and suffered a few years before 
that aged disciple. He was a native of Neapolis in 
Samaria, though of Grecian extraction. lie was edu¬ 
cated in all the learning of that age, and particularly in 
the different systems of philosophy which then prevailed. 
After having sought in vain some resting place for his 
inquiring mind in the'regions of philosophical research, 
he became a sincere convert to Christianity, in which 
alone he found that truth which had so long eluded his j 
inquiries. Convinced that true happiness could neither \3 
be found amongst the austerities of stoicism, or the licen¬ 
tiousness of the epicureans, he sought and found it in the 
Gospel of Christ. This accomplished scholar retained 
many of the habits, and wore the customary dress of 
the ancient philosophers, long after he had embraced 






ESSAY XII. 


TIIE HISTORY OF ROME. 


357 


Christianity, either from attachment to the pursuits of 
liis youthful days, or more probably from a desire to 
conciliate persons of that class, and win them over to 
the religion of Jesus. After his arrival at Rome, in the 
reign of Antoninus Pius, his first literary effort was, a 
tract written in vindication of the truth against the errors 
of Marcion, who propagated sentiments similar to those 
of modern Antinomianism. This was soon followed by 
his first u Apology” for the Christians, which is supposed 
to have impressed that amiable monarch with a favourable 
opinion of the cause he had so ably advocated. His 
next production was a Dialogue with Trypho, a learned 
Jew, and bitter enemy of Christianity, with whom he had 
met at Ephesus, and against whom he had maintained 
with great ability several public controversies. The 
combatant who next entered the lists with this pious and 
acute reasoner was Crescens the Cynic, who is said 
to have been constrained to acknowledge his conviction 
of the truth of Chrfetianity, though his enmity to that 
truth prompted him to seek the destruction of the 
antagonist, whose arguments he had in vain attempted to 
overthrow. The last publication of Justin was his 
“ Second Apology,” addressed to Aurelius Antoninus, 
which, instead of softening the heart, and removing the 
prejudices of that monarch, but rendered him more 
furious against his Christian subjects. This admirable 
confession was quickly iollowed by tbe martyrdom of its 
illustrious author. 

Dionysius of Corinth addressed many excellent 
letters to different Christian churches on the importance 
of unity, steadfastness, and perseverance, which were well 
suited to the circumstances in which they were placed, 
and the persecuting age in which he lived. They were 
written during the r< igns of Aurelius and Comfnodus. 
Theophilus of Antioch, like Justin Martyr, had been, 
previously to his reception of Christianity, a philosopher 
of no ordinary rank, and after his conversion employed 
all the energies of his mind in unwearied efforts to pro¬ 
pagate the truths he had embraced. Mem to of Sardis 
distinguished himself by an excellent Apology, which he 
drew up and presented to the Emperor Aurelius, but 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK 11T * 


358 

which was not more successful than that of Justin had 
been. To escape the sword of persecution, he withdrew 
for a time from his pastoral duties, and travelled through 
Asia and Greece, collecting as he passed along much 
valuable information respecting the canonical books of 
the New Testament, w hich was afterwards published for 
the benefit of the churches. Some fragments of his 
writings are still extant. Pothinus of Lyons, was pro¬ 
bably a native of Greece driven into Gaul by persecu¬ 
tion, where he became pastor of a Christian church, and 
was eminently useful. To his pen, through the medium 
of Eusebius, we are indebted for our earliest information 
of the Gallic churches and martyrs. Miltiades ex¬ 
amined into the subject of miracles, and endeavoured to 
discriminate between those which were well-authenti¬ 
cated, and those which were fabulous and pretended. 
Apollinarius and Athenagoras wrote also two vin¬ 
dications of the Christian religion from the calumnies of 
its adversaries, of which honourable mention is made by 
ancient ecclesiastical writers. 

To describe the peculiar tenets of the Marcionites, 
the Montanists, the Eclectics, and other sects, that sprang 
up during this century, or to refer particularly to the 
character and writings of their respective leaders, would 
be to enter upon too wide a field. Nor is it necessary to 
advert to any of the direct opponents of the Christian 
religion at this period, except one, the celebrity of whose 
writings renders their author an object of more than 
ordinary attention. This was Celsus, one of the most 
able and skilful of the combatants on the side of heathen¬ 
ism, who attempted, by sophistry, the same unhallowed 
task, which his friend Lucian had long attempted, by 
wit and satire. In the reign of Antoninus, he wrote 
a virulent treatise against Christianity, entitled “ True 
Discourses,” the malicious falsehood of which w r ns fully 
exposed in an elaborate reply written long after by the 
celebrated Origen. He is also supposed to have been 
the author of some tracts against magic, to which, in that 
superstitious age, there were many pretenders. 

In the third century, the number of distinguished 
advocates of Christianity was greatly increased, but 


✓ 


ESSAY XII. • THE HISTORY OF ROME. * 359 

much of Hie “ simplicity and godly sincerity,” which 
characterized their predecessors was exchanged tor spe¬ 
culative refinements, and philosophical corruptions. If 
this remark be not applicable to ail, it applies with too 
much justice to the most eminent Christian writers of 
that age. The first name that occurs is that of 
IreNjEus, a disciple of the venerable Polycarp, and, 
after the death of Pothinus, a bishop of Lyons. He is 
supposed to have sutfered martyrdom under Severus. 
Those of his writings which remain, relate principally 
to the heresies which then prevailed, and which he 
refutes with much talent and piety. In another and 
distant province of the Roman empire, flourished about 
the same time Tertullian, the most ancient of the 
Latin Fathers, the most valuable part of whose numerous 
writings, is his admirable f ‘ Apology,” occasioned by the 
persecuting measures of Severus, which is a beautiful 
specimen of Christian eloquence. In other respects this 
writer is rather to be censured than admired, on account 
of the ascetic gloom and monkish austerity that pervade 
his theological compositions. Towards the close of life, 
he avowed himself a Montanist, and openly advocated 
the cause of that heretical sect. Minucius Fjeljx was 
contemporary with Tertullian, and like him an eloquent. 
Christian advocate. He had been a Roman orator, and 
after his conversion exerted all the force of his eloquence 
in defence of the sacred truths he had embraced, and 
the despised followers of Christ. He wrote an elaborate 
vindication of his brethren, in a “ Dialogue between 
a Christian and a Heathen,” which for purity of style 
and genuine eloquence would not have disgraced the 
age of Cicero. 

Alexandria was at this time the eastern seat of learn¬ 
ing; here Christian schools were instituted, which pro¬ 
duced some of the brightest literary ornaments of that 
age*. Amongst many others, there arc three which claim 
particular attention, Panoenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, 
and Origen. All these belonged to the Eclectics, who 
have been accused of combining the systems of ancient 
philosophy with Christian doctrine, and thus corrupting 
by human speculations the Gospel ol Christ. Ancient 


/ 







STUDIES IN. HISTORY. 


BOOK III. 


360 


tradition reports, that to Pancenus we are indebted for 
the discovery of the Gospel of Matthew in India, whither 
lie had gone in the humble but useful character of a 
missionary. Whether this tradition be well founded or 
not, it is universally admitted, that his great learning and 
profound investigation were directed to the confirmation 
of the Canon of Scripture. From the writings of Clemens, 
liis disciple and successor, much information may be 
collected respecting the state of Christianity in his day. 
He also wrote a volume of exhortations to the-Gentiles, 
consisting of dissuasives from idolatry, and arguments in 
support of the religion of Jesus. But the most renowned 
of the Alexandrian scholars, was Origen, who, though 
he had drank too deeply into the philosophizing spirit of 
the age, must be acknowledged to have been an illus¬ 
trious champion, and a most powerful advocate of 
our holy religion. His efforts were principally directed 
to the defence of the outworks of Christianity against the 
common foe. If no other of his numerous compositions 
remained, his reply to Celsus would be sufficient to 
establish his reputation as a sound and acute disputant. 
]Nor did this accomplished scholar merely employ his 
pen in defence of the truth; he suffered much in the 
persecutions of Severus, Maximin, and Decius; was 
repeatedly imprisoned and cruelly tortured, though 
his life was spared by his persecutors, probably from a 
regard to his literary reputation. .He died in peace, at an 
advanced age, about the time of Valerian’s captivity. 

Whilst Origen was usefully and zealously engaged 
in the eastern provinces of the Roman empire, Cyprian 
of Carthage, a man of eminent piety and zeal, who was 
formed upon the models of the primitive disciples, 
laboured indefatigably in confirming the African churches 
by his letters and personal instructions, and maintaining 
the purity and simplicity of evangelical doctrine and 
discipline against all who attempted to pervert them. 
In his time the Novafian sect arose, so called, from 
JVovatus, a pr sbyter of Carthage, a man of an ambitious 
temper and immoral character, who occasioned much 
grief to the venerable and apostolic Cyprian. The 
Novatians differed from their brethren rather in discipline 


ESSAY XII. THE HISTORY OF ROME. 361 

than in doctrine, and introduced into their societies 
many of those austerities which afterwards gave rise 
to monastic institutions. A far more alarming schism 
was occasioned towards the end of this century, by Paul 
of Samosata, who aimed at the subversion of the Christian 
faith, by denying the Deity of the Son of God, and 
maintaining other radical and pernicious errors, which 
were deemed so fraught with danger to the whole 
church, that a synod was convened of not less than 
seventy pastors of Christian churches, by whom the 
heretical writings of Paul were publicly condemned, and 
their author was first deposed, and afterwards excluded 
from communion. 

The most formidable opponent of the Christians 
during this age was Porphyry, a Tyrian, who was either 
a proselyte to Judaism, or assumed that character, that 
lie might attack with greater virulence the objects of his 
inveterate enmity. Some have supposed that Porphyry 
was an apostate from Christianity, but of this there is not 
sufficient evidence. He was a disciple of the celebrated 
Longinus, a Platonic philosopher, and a man of profound 
erudition. He was thoroughly acquainted with the 
Jewish and Christian scriptures, in which he professed to 
discover many contradictions and falsehoods. His cavils 
and calumnies were ably refuted by Methodius, Euse- 
v bins, and others, who flourished in the beginning of the 
following century. Some of the most valuable indirect 
proofs of the truth and divine origin of Christianity have 
been deduced from the concessions and statements of 
this bitter and implacable adversary. Thus were the 
counsels of this boasted Ahithophel turned into foolish¬ 
ness, and the curses of this second Balaam turned into 
involuntary blessings. 

Excerpt, de Opcr. Euseb. L act ant. Thcodorek. Hieronym. 
Tertull. Clem. Alex. Orig. kc. 


ft 


/ 




362 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


HOOK III. 


REFLECTIONS. 

Amongst the numerous and splendid miracles that 
were wrought in confirmation of the truth and divine 
authority of the Gospel, scarcely can one be found more 
convincing and irresistible than that which was dis¬ 
played in the propagation of Christianity itself. If the 
circumstances attending its first promulgation be con¬ 
sidered—if the character and condition of its primitive 
advocates—the confederacy that was formed against 
them—the strong and apparently overwhelming tide of 
opposition with which they had to struggle—the various 
measures adopted by their enemies to frustrate their 
endeavours, and (had it been possible) to blot out their 
very names from the earth—if these, with many other 
counteracting circumstances, be attentively considered, it 
will appear that nothing less than a perpetual miracle 
could have perpetuated and built up the Church of 
God. Had the religion of Jesus been of men, it could 
not have endured such a test—but its introduction, 
its protection, and its abundant increase, notwithstanding 
the combined efforts of all the powers of darkness, prove 
it to have been from heaven, and demonstrate the justice 
of its claims, when it challenges our faith, as “ thg 
glorious Gospel of the Blessed God.” 

A religion so manifestly divine could not stand in 
need of human support, though the divine Head of the 
Church may sometimes have seen fit to employ such 
feeble agents. It rests not its claims upon the genius, 
the learning, or the eloquence of those, who have at dif¬ 
ferent periods advocated its sacred cause. No human 
authority, however great, nor any of the most honoured 
names amongst men, can add to the splendour or dignity 
of a religion which emanates from the Eternal Fountain 
of Light. Yet it is gratifying to see the mightiest 
efforts of genius, the most copious stores of learning, the 
sw etest flowers of taste, and the richest streams of 
eloquence, poured forth at the feet of Jesus, and conse¬ 
crated to his service. If it were of importance to measure 


ESSAY XII. 


THE HISTORY OF ROME. 


363 


swords with the enemies of the Gospel, the advocates of 
evangelical truth have no reason to shrink from the 
combat. To their Celsus’s, Porphyrys, and Lucians, 
we can confidently oppose our Origens, Tertullians, and 
Justin Martyrs, who turned back with confusion and 
dismay all the enemies of Zion in the day of battle, and 
made their hostile weapons recoil upon themselves. Nor 
is it less gratifying to observe, t hat most of these Christian 
Heroes, after having triumphantly refuted all the so- 
ph isms and calumnies of the adversary, set their seals to 
the holy doctrines they had maintained, by a glorious 
martyrdom. 

The period of Church history which has been contem¬ 
plated, as well as every succeeding century to the present 
day, confirms the representation given by our Saviour, in 
one of his most beautiful parables, of the origin and 
progress of his kingdom. For how soon did it appeal* 
that wherever the good seed of divine truth had been 
scattered by the holy Apostles and their successors, there 
also the enemy had sown tares. These pernicious, and, 
in some instances, deadly plants sprang up in every 
direction, corrupting the churches almost as soon as they 
had been planted, and perverting many from the 4 ‘ truth 
as it is in Jesus.” In this imperfect state, what good is 
there unmixed with evil? What is there so pure, so ex¬ 
alted, so divine, as to have escaped the contaminating 
touch of human depravity ? Even Christianity itself has 
been perverted, corrupted, defiled, by the ignorance and 
immorality of its false professors. But our Saviour has 
taught us in the same parable, that these tares of error 
and false doctrine are not to be plucked up by violence; 
that even heresy is not to be extirpated by penal and 
persecuting laws; but, having, by the manifestation of the 
truth, commended ourselves to every man’s conscience in 
the sight of God, we are to wait the general harvest, when 
he who is emphatically, “ The Truth,” will finally sepa¬ 
rate between the righteous and the wicked. 

If the whole of the preceding history be compared 
with the brief hints which have been occasionally intro¬ 
duced, respecting the progress of Christianity; it will 
appear most evident, that the spiritual kingdom of the 




364 


STUDIES IN HISTORY. 


BOOK HI. 


Messiah is widely different from those empires which arc 
temporal and worldly. We have seen the Roman empire, 
like a boisterous torrent, rushing forward with desolating 
fury, till it inundated the world, and made it a dreary 
waste. In tracing a scries of more than 1100 years, we 
have seen that gigantic monarchy founded in rapine and 
murder, extended by carnage and oppression, and finally 
dismembered and crushed by the same ponderous engines, 
which it had employed for the destruction of others. 
But not such was the manner in which the empire of the 
Son of God was introduced and established in the earth. 
When He appeared, “ the mountains brought peace 
to the people, and the little hills, by righteousness.” The 
benign and fertilizing influence of his government is 
beautifully compared to the silent descent of rain upon 
the mown grass, and of showers that water the earth. 
Christianity, like a pure and chrystal stream, lias quietly, 
but rapidly, glided along from age to age, from land to 
land, dispensing, through all its majestic course, the 
richest blessings; nor will it cease to flow, till it shall 
have visited, refreshed, and fertilized the whole earth. 
“ There is a river, the streams whereof shall make glad 
the city of God ; the holy place of the tabernacles 
of the Most Hi end } 


HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 


book i: 

ESSAY 

1. What was the state of Italy before the building of Rome? 
By whom was it inhabited ? 

Who were the Etruscans, and what was their character? 
Who were the most ancient kings of Latinm ? 

W hat occasioned the war between the Rutuli and Latins? 
Who founded Alba, and what kings reigned there? 

By whom, and in what year was Rome built? 

W hat moral instruction does the origin of Rome suggest? 

2. W ho was the first King of Rome, and how long did he reign? 
II ow did he divide the population of Rome? 

What form of civil government did he institute ? / 

W hat religious rites did he introduce, and Whence were 
they devised? 

W hat caused the first Sabine war? 

How, and by what means did it terminate? 

W hat occasioned the death of Romulus? 

W hat reflections are suggested by his character and admi¬ 
nistration? 

3. W ho was the second King of Rome, and how long did he 

reign ? 

What was his private, and what his public character? 

What orders of priesthood did he institute, and what were 
their several offices? 

W r ho succeeded him in the government, and what was his 
character? 

How was the dispute between the Albans and Romans 
decided ? 

Who was the fourth King of Rome, and what were the prin¬ 
cipal objects of his reign ? 

What were the excellencies and defects of Numa Pompilius? 
What are the evils arising from unrestrained ambition? 

4. Who w as the fifth King of Rome, and w here did he reign ? 
What was his general character before and after his election? 
What public works did he execute? 

Who succeeded him, and by what means? 

What political regulations did Servius Tullius introduce? 
W'hat were the circumstances and manner of his death? 

R 3 







366 HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 

ESSAY 

Who was the last King of Rome, and what was his character? 1 
How did he aet towards the Gabii? 

To what reflections does the history of the Tarquins lead? 

0 . What event led to the expulsion of the Tarquins? 

When did it take place, and who were its principal agents ? 
What form of government was substituted for the regal? 
Who were the first Consuls of Rome? 

To what places did Tarquin and his family retire? 

Wlrat reflections are suggested by the character of Sextus ? 
What, by the suicide of Lucretia? 
d. Wherein did the patriotism of Brutus and Publicola differ? 
What anecdotes are related of Brutus in his juvenile days? 
What danger first threatened the Republic, and how pre¬ 
vented ? 

Who were the chief conspirators? 

What was the conduct of Brutus and Collatinus on this oc¬ 
casion, and what the result? 

Who succeeded Collatinus in the Consulship, and what was 
his character ? 

How did Brutus die, and what honours were paid to his 
memory ? 

Who was Porsena, and what facts are related of him ? 

What estimate are we to form of Roman virtue? 

7 . What circumstances led to the creation of a Dictator? 

What was the nature, duration, and extent of his authority ? 
W 7 ho was first created Dictator, and in what year? 

What caused the secession of the Roman legions? 

Who were the leaders of that secession, and what was its- 
issue ? 

What were the office and authority of the Tribunes? 

What are the reciprocal duties of the rich and poor ? 

W ho was Coriolanus, and when did he flourish ? 

To what did he owe his name and reputation? 

W'hat was the office of the iEdiles? 

Under what pretence was Coriolanus banished? 

With whom did he associate after his exile? 

W hat design did he meditate, and how was it prevented? 

W hat were the circumstances of his death ? 

To what moral uses may his history be applied? 

9. What was the purport of the Agrarian Law? 

By whom was it first proposed, and with what success? 

What was the object of the Terentian Law? 

What was the character of Cincinnatus? 

What signalized his Dictatorship? 

Who were the Commissioners sent into Greece? 

Who were the Decemviri, and when were they appointed? 
What reflections are suggested by their appointment? 

What, by the character of Cincinnatus? 

10, What was the subsequent conduct of the Decemviri? 


HISTORICAL QUESTIONS, 


367 


ESSAY 

What was the character and death of Siccius Dentatus? 
What event led to the abolition of the Deoemvirate? 

Who were the parties concerned in effecting it ? 

What was the conduct of the Roman armies on that oc¬ 
casion ? 

What opinion are we to form of the conduct of Virginius? 
What reflections are suggested by Virginia’s death? 

11. What led to the creation of Military Tribunes ? 

What was their office, and when were they first chosen? 
Who were the Censors, and what was their office? 

By whom and in what manner was Veii captured ? 

What was the conduct of the Romans to Camillus? 

What occasioned the invasion of the Gauls? 

What was its issue, and when did it take place? 

What iremarks are suggested by the capture of Rome? 

12. What was the religion of the ancient Romans? 

What was flic fabulous origin of the Sibylline volumes? 
What branch of Literature was first cultivated in Rome? 
What species of knowledge was most successfully cultivated* 
Who were the first Roman orators? 

To what was the attention of the Romans principally 
directed ? 

What reflections are suggested by the review of Roman 
Literature in its earliest period? 


BOOK II. 

1. What followed the rebuilding of the city ? 

What was the character and end of M. Manlius ? 

What circumstances led to the election of Plebeian Consuls ? 
Who were the Praetors and Curulc iEdiles, and what their 
offices ? 

When did Camillus die, and in what manner? 

What reflections are suggested by the fall of Manlius? 

2. What expedients were tried for the removal of the plague? 
How did the younger Manlius shew his filial alfection? 
What occasioned the Samnite war? 

How long did it last, and what was its character? 

What was the conduct of the Roman legions at Capua ? 
How did Decius die, and for what purpose ? 

What disaster betel the Romans at the Catidine straits? 
What moral lessons does the Samnite war teach? 

3. What caused the Tarentine war, and when did it begin? 
Who did the Tarentines invite to their aid? 

Who was his confidential friend, and what advice did he 
give? 


/ 





HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 


36S 

ESSAY 

What Roman generals conducted the Tarentine war? 

What was the character and conduct of Fabrieius? 

What was the issue of the war? 

What reflections are suggested by the characters of Fabricius. 
• and Pyrrhus? 

4, What w as the origin of Carthage? 

What led to the first Punic war, and at what time? 

For what was Duilius celebrated? 

W hat w as the character and conduct of Regulus ? 

When and upon what terms was peace concluded? 

What reflections are suggested by the conduct of Carthage?' 
What, by the character of Regulus? 

5. When was the temple of Janus first shut? 

What caused the second Punic war? 

What measures were first adopted by Hannibal? 

Which were his most splendid victories? 

To what Roman generals was he opposed? 

What was the policy of Fabius, and w hat its success? 

What remarks are suggested by the character and conduct 
of Hannibal? 

0*. What was Hannibal’s conduct after the battle of Cannae? 
What was the consequence of that conduct? 

What new Roman generals turned the scale of victory? 
^yhat occasioned the recall of Hannibal from Italy? 

What is related of Massinissa? 

Where was the last battle fought between Hannibal and 
Scipio ? 

What were the conditions of peace between Rome and 
Carthage? 

What do the events of the second Punic war teach? 

7. When did the Romans invade Greece, and w ith what success ? 
Who conducted the Macedonian war, and how did it ter¬ 
minate ? 

What w as the next foreign enterprise of the Romans ? 
Where did Scipio die, and under what circumstances? 

Who was Cato the Censor, and what was his general 
character? 

What led to the destruction of Carthage? 

How was it effected, and what happened in the same year? 
What remarks are suggested by the character of Cato ? 

' What, by the fall of Carthage? 

8. W T ho were the Gracchi, and what w as their general character ? 
When did they flourish, and for what were they remarkable ? 
By whom were they educated, and w hat was their literary 

progress ? 

What political measures did Tiberius Gracchus propose? 

In w hat manner did he die ? 

What circumstances occasioned the death of Caius Gracchus?. 
What was the state of Rome at that time ? 


HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 


369 


ESSAY 

What moral instruction does the death ofthe Gracchi convey? 

9. Who was Cains Marius, and when did he flourish? 

Who was his political rival, and what was his character? 
What wars did they undertake, and with what success? 
What circumstances attended the exile of Marius? 

What was his conduct after his return to Rome? 

How did Sylla act after the death of Marius? 

What office did Sylla hold, and for how long? 

What remarkable circumstances attended the death of 
Marius and Sylla? 

What instruction do their lives convey ? 

10. Who attempted the government of Rome after Sylla? 

What was the Servile war, and by whom conducted? 

AVhat were the characters of Pompev and Crassus? 

Where were the principal scenes of Pompey's victories? 
AVhat formidable conspiracy threatened the republic? 

By whose vigilance, and in what manner was it detected? 
What new rival now appeared, and what was his character 
Who formed the first Triumvirate, and when did it take place 
AVhat do the jealousies and alliance of these rivals teach? 

11. AVhat caused the civil war between Pompey and Caesar? 
AVho w'ere the partisans on either side? 

AVhere were the battles fought that decided the contest? 
What was the conduct of Caesar after his victories? 

AVhat became of Pompey after his defeat? 

To what reflections does his history lead? 

12. AVho was Porcius Cato, and what his education ? 

AVhat offices did he sustain, and how did he discharge them? 
AVhat was his conduct after Pompey’s death? 

AVho were associated with him at Utica? 

AVhat were the circumstances of his death? 

AVhat opinions have been formed of his character? 

How was Caesar affected by his death ? 

AVhat estimate does Christianity lead us to form of the 
character and conduct of Cato of Utica? 

13. IIow was Julius Caesar received at Rome? 

AVhat w as the issue of the war in Spain? 

AVhat was Caesar's conduct after that event? 

AVhat public works did he project and execute? 

AVhat caused a conspiracy to be formed against him? 

AVho were the leaders of that conspiracy? 

AVhat was its issue, and when did it take place? 

AVhat were the excellencies and faults of Julius Caesar! 

14. AVhat renders the character of Cicero peculiarly interesting? 1 
AVhere was he born, and who were his preceptors? 

AVhere did he travel, and for what purposes? 

Tor what was he most celebrated through life? 

AVhat occasioned his exile, and how was he affected by it? 
AVho obtained his recall, and how w:as lie received? 










370 


HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 


ESSAY 

What domestic calamities befel him? 

How did he die, and in what year? 

What moral lessons are taught by the life of Cicero? 

15. What events introduced Grecian literature into Home? 
What philosophical sects prevailed there? 

Who were the most distinguished philosophers in each? 
Who were the most ancient Roman poets? 

Who, the best prose writers ? 

Who, the most celebrated orators? 

What docs the review of Roman literature teach? 


BOOK III. 

1. What impression was made at Rome by Julius Caesar’s death ? 
Who formed the second Triumvirate? 

What became of Brutus and Cassius? 

What was the end of Antony and Cleopatra? 

How was Octavius received at Rome? 

Who was the first Roman Emperor, and when did he begin 
to reign? 

What remarks are suggested by the death of Brutus and his 
associates? 

What, by the conduct of Antony and Cleopatra? 

2. What was the general character of Augustus Caesar? 

What, the character of his administration? 

What were his domestic sorrows? 

What most important event took place during his reign? 
What circumstances attended his old age and death? 

To what reflections does the character of Augustus lead? 

3. Who succeeded him, and in what year? 

What was the character of his successor? 

Who was Germanicus, and how w as he treated by Tiberius 
W ho was the favourite ofTiberius, and what was his conduct 
What occasioned his fall, and how was it effected? 

What was the most remarkable event in this reign? 

How did Tiberius die, and by whom was lie succeeded ? 
What was the character of his successor? 

How did that tyrant end his days, when, and where? 

What remarks are suggested by the characters ofTiberius 
and Caligula? 

4. Who succeeded Caligula, and what was his character? 

What were the names, and character of his two wives? 

W hat is recorded of Fetus and Arria? 

How did Claudius die, and who reigned after him? 

Wherein did the beginning and end of Nero’s reign differ 7 


•-a 


IUSTOIUCAL QUESTIONS* 


Ol I 

ESSAY 

What celebrated Christian and heathen writers did he put to 
death? 

When did the first persecution of the Christians take place? 
How did Nero die, and in what year? 

What remarks are suggested by the lives of Claudius and 
Nero? 

5. What events followed the death of Nero? 

Who became competitors for the crown, and what was their 
end ? 

What led to the elevation of Vespasian ? 

What formed the prominent feature of Vespasian’s reign? 
What calamity befel the Jews in this reign? 

What reflections arise from those calamities? 

6. Who were Vespasian’s sons, and what was their character? 
What remarkable events took place in the reign of Titus? 
What is related of the manner of his death? 

What was the conduct of Domitian to Agricola? 

Who were the chief objects of Domitian’s hatred? 

What Christians suffered martyrdom under him? 

What occasioned his death, and by whom was it effected? 
What reflections are suggested by the contrast of Titus and 
Domitian? 

7. Who succeeded Domitian, and in what year? 

Who was ’Trajan, and by whom was he educated? 

What military enterprises did he undertake? 

What was his conduct to the Christians? 

Who were the most distinguished Martyrs of that day? 

W hat good qualities did Trajan possess? 

Who was Adrian, when, and how long did he reign? 

What were the principal objects of his reign? 

How did he die, and what were his last words? 

What moral instruction do the lives of Trajan and Adrian 
convey ? 

8. Who w ere Adrian’s adopted sons that succeeded him ? 

What was the public and private character of Antoninus Pitts? 
By what means w as he favourably impressed towards Chris¬ 
tians ? 

"What was the education and character of Aurelius? 

Who were his preceptors, and in what did he excel? 

How'did he treat the Christians, and what altered his conduct ? 
What calamities took place in his reign? 

What do the character and conduct of the Antonines teach? 
Who succeeded Aurelius, and w hat was his character? 
What Emperors reigned betweenCommodus and Diocletian? 
Were any of them good Monarchs, and which? 

Which of them persecuted the Christians? 

When and by whom was the empire put up to sale? 

What was the state of the empire at this period? 

What reflections are suggested by these tyrannical reigns ? 










HISTORICAL QUESTIONS. 


372 

ESSAY 

What, by the character of Alexander Severus? 

10. Who was Diocletian, and what his general character? 

What new system of policy did he adopt? 

Who were his associates, and what their characters? 

What was the situation of the Christians at this time? 

What was the latter conduct of Diocletian? 

Who was Constantine, and whom did he succeed? 

What induced him to profess Christianity ? 

What w as the principal object of Constantine’s reign? 

What was the situation, name, and character of the new 
metropolis? 

What was the subsequent conduct of Constantine? 
j>y whom, and at what periods was Rome taken and plmi' 
deled ? 

What remarks are suggested by the reigns of Diocletian and 
Constantine, and by the fall of the Homan empire? 

11. When were the ages of Oratory, Poetry, History, and 

Philosophy in Home? 

Who were the principal writers of the Augustan age? 

Who flourished under Tiberius, and in what departments? 
Who, in the reigns of Claudius, Caligula, and Nero? 

Who, from Nero to Domitian? 

Who, under Nerva, Trajan, and Adrian? 

Who, under the Antonines? 

Who, under the succeeding emperors? 

To w hat moral reflections does the rc\ iew r of Roman literature 
lead ? 

12. What Christian writers flourished in the first century? 

Who advocated Christianity in the second century ? 

Who founded heretical sects in that age? 

Who wrote against the Christians at that period? 

Who were the Christian Apologists of the third century? 
Who, the most learned of its heathen opponents? 

What are the concluding reflections on this subject? 



THE EXD. 


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